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«My free song» in a world that reacts before reading

30 September 2026/in Actuality/by Father Ivano

«MY FREE SONG» IN A WORLD THAT REACTS BEFORE READING

In the current Catholic panorama, too often everything is reduced to a morbid search for the sensational: apparitions of an army of presentist and talkative Madonnas, rivers of messages, prophecies of the most unlikely seers, private revelations passed off as certainties of faith. All followed by an audience that grows in direct proportion to its religious ignorance.

- Church news -

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Author
Ivano Liguori, Ofm. Cap.

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The year was 1972 when it came out My free singing, album which in a few weeks became a great success, as happened to almost everything that bore the signature of Lucio Battisti. The refrain of the song that gives the album its title goes::

In a world that

It doesn't take anymore

My free song is you

And the immensity

It opens around us

Beyond the limit of your eyes

Lots of songs like that author are built on hermetic texts, born from the poetic inspiration of Giulio Rapetti, aka Mogol. It is therefore not only music that can be perceived in different ways by those who listen to it: even the words lend themselves to multiple readings, according to the sensitivity of those who welcome them. My free singing talks about love and freedom in a world that has stopped wanting us. And this world, often in the name of a presumed and misunderstood freedom, he handed us the worst form of dictatorship: the single thought, from which it is not permitted to dissociate oneself without being pointed out, silenced or simply deleted. Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger had denounced it with prophetic words, in the homily of the Mass for the election of the Roman Pontiff, the day before ascending the throne of Peter with the name of Benedict XVI:

«A dictatorship of relativism is being established which does not recognize anything as definitive and which leaves only one's own self and its desires as the final measure»¹.

It is the paradox of our time: a relativism that declares everything questionable becomes intolerant towards anyone who dares to affirm a truth.

We Fathers of the Island of Patmos we are first and foremost a community of priests who have chosen to live their ministry also through telematic means, as a real apostolate that requires a lot of care and commitment. And sometimes, as men and as priests, especially as the years pass we have the impression of seeking and singing about freedom precisely "in a world that no longer wants us", folded in on itself and blinded by the immediate and therefore incapable of seeing "the immensity" that «it opens around us», a horizon that opens up before those who have the courage to raise their gaze towards the eternal.

Today people no longer read. At best they quickly scroll through text with their thumb on a screen, they hold a title, an extrapolated phrase, an image; on this little they construct a definitive judgment. Then they argue, often with impetuosity, on what they did not understand and even on what was never written in the article. We realize this every day from the comments and messages that circulate on social media: objections to theses that have never been supported, indignation for sentences never uttered, accusations built on a word torn from its context.

The phenomenon is deeper than it might seem, because it concerns the very order with which man relates to reality. Once upon a time it was read, it was analysed, we understood and only then reacted: the reaction, whether for or against, it was the conclusion of a journey of reason. Today the reaction, emotional and often violent, precedes reason and often replaces it completely. You no longer react to what you have understood, but to what has been misunderstood, by distraction or by deliberate choice. It is a reaction as an end in itself, who does not seek the truth but only the confirmation of what was already thought before starting to read.

Talking to such a company it's been a gamble since October 2014, when our magazine was born. We knew we were addressing a company that doesn't succeed, does not want or often no longer has the tools to go "beyond the limit". Yet we have chosen not to lower the level to chase the distracted reader, but to continue to offer the attentive reader what he deserves.

We believe in culture and accurate research. We believe that an article must be based on verified sources, that a quote must be exact, that a thesis must be argued and not simply shouted. It is this patient work that allows us to offer texts that, without presumption or vanity, personal or collective, we can define high quality. And we say it consciously, evaluating how much in the current Catholic panorama everything is too often reduced to a morbid search for the sensational: apparitions of an army of presentist and talkative Madonnas, rivers of messages, prophecies of the most unlikely seers, private revelations passed off as certainties of faith. All followed by an audience that grows in direct proportion to its religious ignorance: people who have never opened the Catechism of the Catholic Church but know by heart the last message of the visionary on duty. People who do not hesitate to raise their fingers towards priests and theologians dedicated to study and research for decades, subpoenaing: "No, It is not so, because I read on the Internet that...".

Nothing new, in truth. The Blessed Apostle Paul predicted this with words that seem written for our days:

«The day will come, indeed, when they will not endure sound doctrine;, ma, to hear something, men's masters according to surround their whims, refusing to listen to the truth to get lost behind fables " (2 TM 4,3-4).

Our activity and our publications demonstrate, even when certain topics required harshness or irony, that we have never indulged in that itch that an increasingly large portion of the Catholic world is looking for. Harshness and irony are tools, sometimes necessary, to tell the truth to those who would rather not hear it; itching, on the other hand, is something else, it is the tickle offered to those who just want to be entertained. And among the various types of itching, the clerical one is by far the worst, especially when it is cultivated by clericalized lay people capable of being much worse than priests.

Ever since we founded this magazine we never pretended to imitate a newspaper or a magazine, because our editorial work is completely different: spread knowledge of history, of the doctrine and magisterium of the Church, also addressing current issues and social impact in this light. It's not our job, for instance, report on papal travels, compile curial chronicles and even less fuel clerical gossip. Anyone who wants to follow an apostolic journey of the Holy Father will find the reports of the major newspapers and international news agencies. For the affairs of the Roman Curia there is the official Bulletin of the Press Office of the Holy See and the institutional bodies of Catholic journalism involved in reporting. For those looking for gossip instead, There's certainly no shortage of blogs ready to offer the best slander on the market, with a lot of guarantee: «We have all the evidence, but for now we cannot make them public to protect the source". Of the series: the only evidence we have is the lack of evidence.

It's not easy to work like this, in a world that rejects the idea that faith is also a journey of knowledge and culture, which implies guides, teachers and above all docility to listening on the part of those who intend to learn. But this is the only path we know to open, through patient and often thankless work, that immense horizon that the immediate world can no longer see. This is our free song: we will continue to sing it even when few people listen to it.

Finally, I take this opportunity to renew, on behalf of all the editors, the thanks we have already addressed to the Readers who have offered us their financial support (cf.. who), allowing us to cover the management costs of the site that hosts this magazine and thus guaranteeing us another year of free singing for the whole 2027.

Cagliari, 30 September 2026

NOTE

¹ Joseph Ratzinger, Homily of Mass for the election of the Roman Pontiff, St. Peter's Basilica, 18 April 2005.

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The unbearable lightness of those monastic privileges

29 September 2026/in Theology and canon law/by Father Theodore

THE UNSUSTAINABLE LIGHTNESS OF THOSE MONASTIC PRIVILEGES

The exemption enjoyed by certain abbeys and abbots should be brought back to its exact extent, that of the dog. 593, that is, internal government and discipline, without any de facto extension to the pastoral ministry, who must answer to the diocesan bishop like that of any other religious priest who operates in his territory. None of this would damage the monastic charism, which has never needed mitres and croziers to safeguard the Rule of Saint Benedict. It would only undermine privileges.

– Theology and canon law –

Author Teodoro Beccia

Author
Teodoro Beccia

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With this article I intend to follow up and further commentary on that of Father Ariel (cf.. who), who retraced fifteen centuries of monastic history and wondered how it is conceivable that in the same ecclesiastical province in which a suffragan bishop is subjected to the supervision of his own metropolitan, an abbot instead depends directly on the Holy See.

I will try to answer the question as a canonist, limiting myself to just one topic: what are territorial abbeys and exempt abbeys, where they come from and why today, in light of the ecclesiology of the Second Vatican Council and the current Code of Canon Law, they represent an anomaly that no longer finds any justification.

First of all, it is necessary to clear up a misunderstanding, because under the same label of "monastic privilege" three distinct legal realities are often confused. The first is the territorial abbey, once said an abbey of no diocese, that is, "of no diocese": a territory with its faithful, its parishes and its clergy, taken away from the bishop and entrusted to the abbot as his own shepherd. The second is the exemption, by which a religious institute is removed from the government of the local bishop and subjected to the Roman Pontiff alone. The third does not have a name in law, but it has a formula in practice: «immediately subject to the Holy See», expression that, born to indicate a legal dependence, has in fact become a sort of general safe conduct.

None of these realities arose on a whim. The exemption was born as a defense. The first papal privilege of which we have certain information is that granted on 11 June 628 from Honorius I to the monastery of Bobbio, founded a few years earlier by San Colombano. The bishop of Tortona, I will prove it, he contested the election of the new abbot Bertulf and claimed to submit the monastery to his jurisdiction, coming to procure — according to Jonah's story, biographer of Colombanus - the support of other bishops and dignitaries of the Lombard court at the expense of corruption. King Arioald declared himself incompetent, «it is not mine to discern the motives of the priests» (It is not my job to judge disputes between priests), but he paid Bertulfo's journey to Rome, where the Pope removed Bobbio from the jurisdiction of the bishop of Tortona. In the following centuries, when bishops were often feudal lords and abbeys coveted their assets, placing a monastery under the direct protection of Peter meant saving it from the robberies of those who should have guarded it. Cluny was born in 910 That's right, entrusted by its founder to the Apostles Peter and Paul; he then obtained full exemption from the bishop of Mâcon between the end of the 10th and the beginning of the 11th century, with the privileges of Gregory V in 998 and of John XIX in 1024. Likewise the large territorial abbeys, like the Land of San Benedetto around Montecassino, they were for centuries the only structure capable of administering, defend and evangelize vast rural territories. The Pio-Benedictine Code of 1917 he still regulated them as «abbeys and prelatures no one» (cann. 319-328).

The problem is therefore not the origin of these institutes, but their survival when the reasons that had generated them have disappeared. And they failed not because of an opinion, but for a precise development of doctrine.

The Second Vatican Council he taught that «with episcopal consecration the fullness of the sacrament of orders is conferred» and that individual bishops «are the visible principle and foundation of unity in their particular Churches»[1]. He added that "every legitimate celebration of the Eucharist is directed by the bishop"[2]. The Code of 1983 translated this doctrine into law, defining the diocese as the portion of the people of God entrusted to the pastoral care of the bishop "with the cooperation of the presbytery", so that, adhering to her pastor and reunited by him "through the Gospel and the Eucharist", constitutes a particular Church (can. 369). The particular Church, in other words, it is not an administrative district: it is a sacramental reality that is constituted around the one who possesses the fullness of the priesthood.

Now look at the can. 370, which defines the territorial abbey as a portion of God's people whose care is entrusted, "for special circumstances", to an abbot who governs it "in the manner of a diocesan bishop". E al can. 381 §2, which equates those who preside over these communities in law to the diocesan bishop, "unless the nature of the matter shows otherwise". Well, by the nature of the thing, turns out differently. The territorial abbot, who is not a bishop, he cannot ordain the presbyters of the Church he governs, because the minister of sacred ordination is only the consecrated bishop (can. 1012); he cannot consecrate the chrism with which confirmation is administered in his own abbey, because this too is reserved for the bishop (can. 880 §2). To generate their own ministers and to have the holy oil, this "particular Church" must depend on another bishop, that is, precisely from that figure from whose jurisdiction he claims to be exempt. We are faced with the paradox of a Church that is unable to generate its own sacramental life on its own, led by a shepherd, l’abate, who in law is equivalent to the bishop but in the sacrament remains only a presbyter, an «aesthetic-liturgical parody of a bishop», as my brother wrote ironically in his article (cf.. who). Irony, come to think, anything but out of place and not at all excessive, because legal equality, in this case, it is nothing more than a fiction placed to cover a sacramental void of which certain abbots are the emblem. And the law of the Church, which must follow the sacrament and not precede it, it cannot stand on a fiction.

The case of the exemption of religious institutes is different, that the Code preserves and that, within its limits, it is completely legitimate. The can. 591 allows the Supreme Pontiff, "due to his primacy over the universal Church", to exempt institutes of consecrated life from the government of the local Ordinaries; the dog. 593 establishes that the institutes of pontifical right are subject to the Apostolic See in an immediate and exclusive manner «as regards the internal regime and discipline». The point lies in this last clarification. The Council had already clarified this: the exemption "mainly concerns the internal order of the institutes" and does not prevent the subjection of religious people "to the jurisdiction of the bishops, in accordance with the law"; rather, «all religious people, the exempt and the non-exempt", they are subject to the authority of the bishop in matters of public worship, care of souls, preaching, catechesis and apostolic works[3]. The Code reiterates this unambiguously:

«Religious are subject to the power of the Bishops […] in what concerns the care of souls, the public exercise of divine worship and other apostolic works" (can. 678 § 1).

The exemption, so, protects the choir timetable, the training of novices, the election of the abbot, the administration of the monastery's assets. It doesn't protect, nor could it protect, the priestly ministry exercised towards the faithful, which remains under the inalienable power of the diocesan bishop. When, however, the formula "immediately subject to the Holy See" is read as if it removed the abbey from any supervision of the local bishop, also in what the law expressly reserves for him, we are no longer faced with an exemption, but to an abuse of the exemption. And an abuse that has lasted for centuries ends up being perceived as a right.

The Church itself, the rest, has already indicated the direction. In 1968 Paul VI regulated and restricted the use of pontifical insignia by prelates without episcopal character[4]. In 1976 the Pontiff himself established that no more new territorial abbeys would be erected, unless for very special reasons[5]. In the following decades the territories of several abbeys were returned to the surrounding dioceses; the same happened on 23 October 2014 per Montecassino, when the Holy Father Francis, with bubble favoring contemplation, has transferred its fifty-three parishes and approximately eighty thousand faithful to the diocese of Sora-Aquino-Pontecorvo, today renamed Sora-Cassino-Aquino-Pontecorvo, reducing the territorial abbey to just the abbey church and the monastery with its immediate appurtenances. They remain today, in Italy, the territorial abbeys of Montecassino, Subiaco, Cava de' Tirreni, Montevergine, Monte Oliveto Maggiore and Grottaferrata; outside Italy those of Einsiedeln, Saint-Maurice d’Agaune, Pannon pile, Wettingen-Mehrerau and Tokwon.

The case of Montecassino is particularly eloquent, even if the modesty and sense of shame that the case arouses in us would lead us to remain silent. The can. 370 speaks of a «portion of the people of God, territorially limited": but which people of God is entrusted today to an abbot whose territory coincides with the walls of his own monastery? The most recent official statistics attribute to this "particular Church" only one parish and nineteen baptized faithful. The juridical framework of a particular Church is preserved after removing its content. And when a huge scandal took place in that context (cf.. who) which we wrote about in these columns in an editorial of 2023 (cf.. who), the concrete cost of this architecture clearly emerged: no nearby bishop legitimized to intervene, no metropolitan with supervisory power, a chain of control that, by virtue of the immediate dependence of the abbey on the Holy See, it passes only through Rome and that, as experience teaches without fear of contradiction, always arrives late.

The direction undertaken by Paul VI must therefore be brought to completion. The surviving territorial abbeys and their territories should be abolished, where they still exist, returned to the dioceses from which they were taken. The abbots should be stripped of those insignia that make them, in the eyes of the faithful, of bishops who in fact are not. The exemption enjoyed by certain abbeys and abbots should be brought back to its exact extent, that of the dog. 593, that is, internal government and discipline, without any de facto extension to the pastoral ministry, who must answer to the diocesan bishop like that of any other religious priest who operates in his territory. None of this would damage the monastic charism, which has never needed mitres and croziers to safeguard the Rule of Saint Benedict. It would only undermine privileges.

And this is where the unbearable lightness is captured of these privileges: they weigh nothing on the sacramental level, because they do not add a single degree of Holy Order to the abbot - who remains nothing more than a presbyter; they weigh heavily on the level of ecclesial communion, because they steal men, places and sometimes entire territories to that figure that the Council indicated as the visible principle of unity of the particular Church. A law that preserves what its own ecclesiology is no longer able to justify is not tradition: it's just inertia.

Velletri of Rome, 29 September 2026

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[1] Vatican Council II, Dogmatic constitution The light, NN. 21 e 23.

[2] Vatican Council II, Dogmatic constitution The light, n. 26.

[3] Vatican Council II, Decree Christ the Lord, n. 35, 3-4.

[4] Paul VI, Motu proprio Pontifical insignia, 21 June 1968.

[5] Paul VI, Motu proprio Catholic Church, 23 October 1976.

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The decline of monasticism. The priest and that kiss denied to the Abbot

29 September 2026/in History and theology/by father ariel

THE DECLINE OF MONAQUES. THE PRIEST AND THAT KISS DENIED TO THE ABBE

Faced with the disastrous state in which monasticism or what little remains of it finds itself today, it would be appropriate to remove certain episcopal masks from the abbots, abolish anachronistic privileges such as territorial abbeys, subjecting them - like all members of the regular clergy of other religious orders and congregations - to the authority of the diocesan bishop, according to the current provisions of the Code of Canon Law.

— History and theology —

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Author

Author
Ariel S. Levi di Gualdo

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One day I found myself before an elderly bishop emeritus and to a Benedictine abbot in a public ecclesial context.

First I bent my knee to kiss the bishop's hand, because thanks to those hands we were consecrated priests, then I shook hands with the abbot, to whom I had nothing to kiss. E, addressing him first-hand - as I usually do with fellow priests of any age, including elderly people and strangers,” I greeted him: «Nice to meet you dear Brother». The abbot first became purple in the face, then he made two useless efforts: first to get angry over the alleged lèse-majesté attack, then to calm down. What an abbot is to me, we will clarify this at the end with an exhaustive example.

With today's monastic world I don't deny that I have a terrible relationship, but the exact opposite of what one might think, this derives from the profound veneration I have for it, towards whom we should all be grateful. In the history of the Church, where there are also religious orders of great importance which have donated patrimonies of spirituality over the centuries, culture and art, none of these can match Benedictine monasticism, followed by the Carthusian and Cistercian ones. It was certainly the Dominicans who gave religious birth to the titanic figure of Saint Thomas Aquinas, but not only, because many other theologians have made extraordinary contributions, up to contemporaries Reginald Garrigou-Lagrange e Tomas Tyn. but yet, without Benedictine monasticism a Thomas Aquinas could not have existed, him and all the greats to follow. The knowledge on which they relied is based entirely on historical heritage, philosophical, culture that has reached the present day thanks to the extraordinary work of the Benedictines.

After the fall of the Western Roman Empire in 476, Europe sank into centuries in which administrative structures, legal and cultural structures built over twelve centuries fell apart under the pressure of the Germanic populations who descended from the North. It wasn't a sudden collapse so much as a slow hemorrhage: roads no longer maintained, depopulated cities, libraries dispersed or abandoned to decay, an education that survived only in isolated pockets. It is in this context of disintegration that it fits, providentially, the story of a young Umbrian nobleman born in Norcia around 480, disgusted by the debauchery of the Rome of his studies, who retreated first to a cave in Subiaco and then, towards the 529, he founded on the Montecassino hill - above the remains of a pagan temple - the monastery that would change the history of the Christian West.

Benedict of Nursia he did not simply found a monastery: It was in Montecassino that he wrote the Rule that would structure the religious life of the West for a millennium and a half, condensed in the famous ora and labora. It wasn't an immediate success, nor an invention out of thin air: he drafted his Rule by drawing from Master's Rule, an older and much more rigid anonymous text with Basil's rules, of Cassiano, of Pachomius, correcting its harshness with a more human balance between discipline and respect for the person. For two good centuries, in early medieval Europe, the Benedictine Rule coexisted — and sometimes merged — with competing observances: the Colombian one, brought by the Irish monks of San Colombano, much more austere and penitential, very widespread in Gaul through foundations such as Luxeuil and Bobbio; and right in Bobbio, where the two traditions intertwined in a "mixed rule", one of the richest monastic libraries in Europe was formed.

I was a Visigoth Monaco, Benedetto d'Aniane — born around 747, already an official at the court of Charlemagne before his conversion - to put an end to this coexistence of rules. Founded in 779 his own monastery in Aniane, in Languedoc, Benedict made it a laboratory for returning to the Cassinese Rule in its purest form. He became a trusted advisor to Emperor Louis the Pious, who had the monastery of Inde built for him near Aachen to have him close by, led two decisive synods, in 816 and 817: it was in the latter that the abbots of the entire Carolingian Empire, gathered in Monastic chapter, they imposed the Rule of Saint Benedict as a single rule for each monastery of the Frankish dominions, with only minimal climatic adaptations. From that moment they became "monk" and "Benedictine"., in the West, almost synonymous.

This network of monasteries, ormai uniformata, with his scriptoria he saved what remained of classical and patristic culture from shipwreck. Bobbio, in Monte Cassino, in St. Gallen and Fulda — founded by Sturmio, disciple of Saint Boniface, who had gone to Montecassino to learn the Rule -, generations of scribes patiently copied, between the 7th and 10th centuries, Latin and Greek texts that would otherwise have disappeared forever. The Annales of Tacitus have come down to us thanks to only two monastic codes: the first six books from a 9th-century Carolingian copy, most likely written in Fulda and then kept in Corvey Abbey; the subsequent books — including the famous passage in which Christians are branded as guilty of hatred of the human race — from a codex written in Montecassino in the 11th century. It was therefore the monks who transmitted to us one of the most ferocious anti-Christian pages of antiquity. If we can read the carminas of Gaius Valerius Catullus, including the most lustful ones, we owe it to a single code kept for centuries in the cathedral of Verona: a sign that the Church has saved and transmitted certain texts, certainly not destroyed for their contents.

Among those copied texts there were also the Latin translations that Boethius, in the 6th century, he had made logical works of the Master of Stagira, remained the only Aristotle known in the West for seven hundred years. It was precisely those pages, kept in monasteries, to provide to Anselmo d’Aosta, recognized as the father of scholasticism, the logical tools of his thought, before the rest of the Aristotelian corpus arrived in Europe in the 12th century through Arabic-Latin translations, paving the way for the great synthesis of Thomas Aquinas.

Yet that same uniformity imposed in Aachen, paradoxically, it was not enough to preserve monasticism from decadence. Torn apart after the death of Louis the Pious in 840, the Carolingian Empire dissolved in a civil war between his three sons, closed in 843 by the Treaty of Verdun which divided it into three kingdoms; in the following decades, between further partitions and an ephemeral reunification under Charles the Fat, that structure fell apart until the feudal chaos of the following century. And the entire Church, with it, slipped into what historians call dark age, the "dark ages". A century, he, in which even the throne of Peter became prey to the Roman noble factions and the abbeys - stripped of their spiritual autonomy - were treated as fiefdoms, their abbots appointed not for virtue but for kinship or political convenience, in a system of lay investitures that distorted monastic life from within.

In reaction to this debacle was born in 909 O 910 the abbey of Cluny, in Burgundy, commissioned by Duke William I of Aquitaine as a monastic house free from any secular and episcopal interference, submitted directly to the Apostolic See. Under abbots like Odo, Maiolo and Odilone, Cluny became the center of a true "monastic empire" for two centuries — hundreds of affiliated houses across Western Europe — and the engine of the great ecclesiastical reform of the 11th century. But that very greatness was its downfall in the long run: the wealth and liturgical splendor of Cluni, with their increasingly larger and more ornate churches, already in the following century they aroused fierce criticism from those who were born, in a sense, from the same reforming rib. It was Saint Bernard of Clairvaux, in its Apology to William the Abbot, to fulminate Cluniac opulence with words that still burn today: "The church shines on the walls.", and in need of the poor" (the Church shines in its walls and remains poor in the poor).

Faced with Cluniac opulence Robert of Molesme, together with Alberico and Stefano Harding, he founded the 21 March 1098 in Cîteaux a new community determined to return to the letter of the Benedictine Rule: real poverty, manual work, buildings stripped of any ornament; even the dress, white instead of black, it was chosen to mark the distance from the Cluniac monks. Thus the Cistercian Order was born, whose first generation of foundations - the so-called "four primordial abbeys" - marked the spiritual geography of Europe: La Ferté, In the 1113, first daughter of Cîteaux; Pontigny, the following year; Clairvaux e Morimond, both in 1115. And it was Clairvaux, under the guidance of its abbot Bernardo, to become the most famous face of the entire Order.

And here the story ends in a bitter circle: not even Cluny, the great reformer of the year 1000, he was saved from the evil he had fought. In 1516, with the Concordat of Bologna between Francis I of France and Leo, the right to choose the abbot of Cluny passed to the Crown: Thus the practice of the commenda was born, therefore the abbey was entrusted to people unrelated to monastic life, often courtiers who had never climbed that Burgundian hill, who limited themselves to collecting the income while the real discipline was left to a prior. At the end of the fifteenth century the monks of Cluny were reduced to just over sixty; In the 1790, when the Revolution suppressed the abbey, just forty remained, led by a commendatory cardinal who had never resided there. Those who had reformed Western monasticism ended, centuries later, exactly like the monasteries from which he was born to correct them.

After these two major reforms developed from within monasticism itself — a sign that the organism, despite getting sick periodically, has always found within himself the energy to heal himself - monasticism began to decline several times in the modern era, this time not due to internal corruption but due to external attack, starting from the French Revolution. The 13 February 1790 the Constituent Assembly decreed the prohibition of religious vows and the suppression of all contemplative orders, judged - verbatim - "totally parasitic": it is from this decree, not by Napoleon, which gave rise to the language of the social uselessness of the monk which the emperor would then make his own twenty years later. Following, in various European countries — in Spain confiscations nineteenth-century, in Portugal of the Aguiar decree of 1834, in the German states already shaken by Habsburg Josephinism - it was Napoleon Bonaparte who struck hard at contemplative religious life: with decree of 8 June 1805 imposed the closure of convents with fewer than twenty-four members and a limited number of religious houses in the area; with the decree of 25 April 1810 definitively abolished «the factories, corporations, congregations, ecclesiastical communities and associations of any nature and denomination", prohibiting anyone from even wearing religious habit.

This was not limited to the Napoleonic era alone but he continued, decades later, in the newborn Kingdom of Italy. The royal decree 7 July 1866, n. 3036, religious orders and congregations "that import common life and have an ecclesiastical character" are suppressed; the law 15 August 1867, n. 3848, he completed the work by liquidating the assets of over twenty-five thousand ecclesiastical entities without the care of souls. It was the so-called "subversion of the ecclesiastical axis": assets accumulated over centuries of history confiscated by the State, libraries and works of art dispersed among museums and public institutions, monasteries transformed into barracks, schools, hospitals, offices, resulting in incalculable and often unfortunately irreparable damage to the European artistic heritage which suffered unprecedented havoc in those years. Only a few abbeys of exceptional artistic value — including, not by chance, Monte Cassino itself, together with Cava dei Tirreni, San Martino delle Scale and the Certosa di Pavia - were declared "national monuments" by the article 33 of the same decree, thus escaping total dispersion, but paying the price of a distorting legal ambiguity between the good of the State and the religious house that drags on, in certain cases, up to the present day.

Monasticism began to revive during the nineteenth century, precisely in those same nations that had recently decimated it. The case of Solesmes was emblematic, ancient Benedictine priory of Sarthe suppressed by the Revolution, than in 1833 a young diocesan priest from Le Mans, Prosper Guéranger, brought back to life with a handful of companions. Raised to an abbey by Gregory XVI in 1837 and placed at the head of the new Benedictine Congregation of France, In just a few decades, Solesmes became the heart of liturgical restoration and Gregorian chant, inspiring refoundations in Europe and new foundations overseas. A similar path, albeit later and more fragile, it was carried out by the Norman abbey of Bec-Hellouin - the same one that had given birth to Saint Anselm as a monastic in the 11th century, also known as Anselm of Aosta or Anselm of Bec and Canterbury, according to the places of his life - suppressed in 1792 and left in ruins for over a century, until in 1948 some Olivetan Benedictine monks, guidance of Dom Paul Grammont, monk of the monastery of Mesnil-Saint-Loup, they revived it, giving it back its ancient abbey title. In the following three decades the community grew to approximately 60 monks; but starting from the beginning of the 1990s a decline began which the official yearbook of the Olivetan Congregation documents as still ongoing in 2020, when the monks of Bec had descended to 14, several of whom are already over eighty. Today the community is further thinned and reduced to about ten monks, to the point that the abbey is no longer governed even by an elected abbot, but by a cloistered prior, under the direct authority of the Abbot General of the Congregation. And here we should ask ourselves: among wildflowers blooming on the strong personality of some single refounder and among the various scattered shooting stars, which monasticism was reborn and developed in those years, alongside such noble experiences as that of Solesmes? Because something, or perhaps many things, they just didn't work, in light of the current state.

In those same decades there was a rebirth very different from those that had occurred previously in history: a monastic re-flowering that is only apparent, than in concrete facts, in the light of later, it was only numerical and in some respects miserable. Monasteries and abbeys were repopulated with young people mainly coming from families of farmers and workers, in an Italy - to take Italy as an example - where poverty was widespread in those years. The birth rate in families was high and many had difficulty feeding their children. It was years, those, in which there were also large migratory flows, especially towards the Americas. The seminar, the convent and the monastery were roads that not only allowed many to be rescued from conditions of poverty, but they could also constitute future help for the family members themselves, especially for those who, entered the secular clergy, they found themselves managing a parish with attached income or ecclesiastical assets.

And here one could arise with accusations of classism towards those who dare to remember, albeit with historical rigor, that until before the great revolutionary purges, Napoleonic and Risorgimento, in certain abbeys and monasteries only the best vocations were selected and admitted, but above all the scions of the best families. The others, plebeians and commoners, except for exceptions that have always existed in the Church, they were welcomed as lay brothers - the so-called lay monks who reached the solemn profession of monastic vows but did not enter the Priestly Order - essentially employed in manual labor, while the others, the priest monks, they also did jobs, but purely intellectual.

This is how abbeys and monasteries became repopulated, but with consequences that today we can analyze with the coldness of those who look at a twentieth century now largely concluded: the massive entrance, out of economic necessity rather than mature vocational discernment, weakened the average quality of the selection over time, just as the number grew. It was a rebirth that resembled a drugged convalescence: the lanes were full again, but the underlying disease - the fragility of discernment upon entry - had not been cured at all, only masked by the large numbers. This progressively generated the worst decline of the abbeys, monasteries and monasticism in general have ever known: a decadence in two stages. First the decline to full monastery, where quantity hid the great qualitative crisis. Then, as a physiological consequence, the decline into a half-empty monastery, after the socio-economic push that had filled the cloisters between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries ran out with widespread prosperity with the economic boom after the Second World War, followed by the sexual revolution of the 1960s, before which the numbers collapsed quickly and often dramatically.

Between the end of the sixties and the beginning of the seventies the monastic communities began to depopulate and today, around all of Europe, several hundred historic abbeys and monasteries have been converted into hotels, luxury resorts and spas. Those located within ancient urban centers in private schools, headquarters of large banking institutions and international companies. Since the mid-seventies, to this already disastrous situation, a worse disaster arose, depicted with the evangelical parable of the cloth applied to the tear:

«No one sews a patch of raw fabric onto an old dress, because the patch pulls away from the cloak and the tear gets worse " (Mt 9,16).

And the patch was that, with the exception of the Carthusian monks — a handful of men, circa 250 in sixteen monasteries scattered around the world, of which just over 30 in Italy distributed in two charterhouses, who have never cared about their number - the other congregations, Benedictines and Cistercians, they threw open the doors to anyone who knocked. Thus, subjects who were no one were welcomed, once, it would have brought me closer, let's not say, to a novitiate, but not even in the parlor of an abbey. E, a few decades later, by abbots of human depth, spiritual and cultural as Dom Prosper Guéranger and Dom Ildefonso Schuster, or monks like Dom Thomas Merton and Dom Jean Leclercq, we moved on to abbots from the world of Milanese fashion, or to monks who have a serious vocational discernment, conducted according to the criteria codified byEducation of 2005 of the Congregation for Catholic Education - which excludes from the seminary and holy orders those with "deeply rooted homosexual tendencies" - would never have led to the profession of monastic vows. Even more so, if arrogance is not admissible for anyone within the Church, least of all should the various congregations of the Benedictine Order and the Cistercian Order allow themselves to do so, as in order to make up the numbers they have been reduced to gathering the elements that we throw out of the seminaries for very serious reasons, mainly moral.

A plastic paradigm of the fall of monasticism contemporary Western world is precisely its historical cradle: the Abbey of Montecassino. Destroyed several times in its thousand-year history - by the Lombards in 581, by the Saracens in 883, finally razed to the ground by Allied bombing 15 February 1944, in the midst of the battle that bears his name — and always rebuilt, the abbey has found itself, in recent times, with an abbot whose exploits would have made de Sade and Apollinaire pale. A humiliating and very sad case which ranges between the use of narcotic substances and the paid services of young gay escorts, scabrous details which we will not return to between these lines, we wrote about it in 2023 and beyond what is contained in that editorial documentation there is nothing else to add (cf.. who). At the beginning of the war the monastic population of Montecassino was made up of priest monks, lay monks with solemn vows, clerics and novices, counted approximately 100 people. Today, the monks residing among that enormous citadel do not even reach 10. After fifteen centuries of history, various destructions and various seasons of cyclical decay, a single wicked abbot was enough to completely raze history to the ground, the monastic culture and spirituality of a symbolic abbey that was reborn even after the bombings of the American allies who, with an unforgivable tactical error, completely razed it to the ground, but she could not be reborn from the deeds of Dom Pietro Vittorelli.

The year was 2010 when during an argument he had with the then Abbot General of the Cistercians, Dom Mauro Esteva and Alsina, who seriously disrespected me as an Italian man and as a priest, intimately: «Signor Abate, you can wear the pectoral cross, the ring in his hand, use the miter and crosier during sacred liturgies, but never forget the sacramental fact, ecclesial and juridical: you are just the aesthetic-liturgical parody of a bishop, why then, in reality, you are nothing more than a priest like me". It was a significant moral slap, especially for a Catalan, but totally due, because with all due respect to the meritorious Cistercian Order it is best not to forget that we members of the so-called "poor" secular clergy - often looked at with an air of condescension by certain subjects - were founded by Jesus Christ during the celebration of the Last Supper, in which the Word of God instituted the Eucharist and the Priesthood. And on his right and on his left there were neither Benedetto da Norcia, nor Robert of Molesme, nor Bernard of Clairvaux, there were the Apostles, Judas included.

Faced with the disastrous state in which monasticism finds itself today or the little that remains, it would be appropriate to remove certain episcopal masks from the abbots, abolish anachronistic privileges such as territorial abbeys, subjecting them - like all members of the regular clergy of other religious orders and congregations - to the authority of the diocesan bishop, according to the current provisions of the Code of Canon Law. It is obvious that religious people should not answer, as a historical order or as a religious congregation to the bishop: they have their own rules, constitutions and religious charism recognized and approved by the Church. But in the exercise of the priestly ministry in the diocesan territory, other than whether they should answer to the bishop, without privileges and exemptions granted precisely to remove them from its jurisdiction, after having disguised an abbot as a parody of a bishop and covered him with privileges and exemptions with the cryptic formula of «Abbey immediately subject to the Holy See», which is concretely equivalent to saying: you have the license to do what you want and as you want.

And here it would be good to ask ourselves: if a bishop, in his capacity as legitimate successor of the Blessed Apostles, governing a suffragan diocese is subject to the supervision of the metropolitan archbishop in the circumstances envisaged (cf.. CIC Can. 436 § 1, n. 1), as well as obliged to consult him if he decides to dissolve his presbyteral council (cf.. CIC Can. 501 §3), it is conceivable that an abbot would reside in that same ecclesiastical province, instead depends directly on the Holy See? Perhaps it would be appropriate for someone to ask themselves a question and then provide a plausible answer, especially in a monastic climate of profound spiritual and moral decay, although the canon states:

«The territorial prelature, or the territorial abbey, it is a specific portion of the people of God, territorially limited, the care of which is entrusted, for special circumstances, to a Prelate or Abbot who governs it in the manner of a diocesan Bishop, as his own shepherd" (CIC can. 370).

Certain privileges have changed over time into absurd situations, in other ways they recall the story of the Cistercian Abbess of Conversano, an abbey of no diocese, a painful historical case also known as the monster of Apulia — of which our canonist editor has already written (cf.. who) — which by virtue of a granted privilege he carried out from 1266 al 1810 functions of diocesan ordinary complete with secular clergy subjected to his jurisdiction.

The story we have retraced, da Montecassino in Cîteaux, from Cluny which fell into the same commandery that had fought until the cloisters filled with vocations gathered in the last century, he says only one thing with absolute coherence: Western monasticism has never died at the hands of an external enemy, not for Napoleon, not for subversive laws, not for the two world wars. He always rose from those wounds, often more alive than before. He dies, if anything, every time he stops asking himself who he welcomes and why, when the number becomes the only criterion and the quality of the vocation the last. Return to the abbots their real measurement, within the authority of the diocesan bishop to whom all religious priests already respond, it is not an affront to the greatness of that legacy: if anything, the only way left to not betray her completely.

From the island of Patmos, 29 September 2026

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France. Baptisms of faith or reactive baptisms? – France. Baptisms of faith or reactive baptisms? – France. Baptisms of faith or reactive baptisms? – France. Baptisms of faith or reactive baptisms?

28 September 2026/in Actuality/by father ariel

Italian, English, French, Español

 

FRANCE. BAPTISM OF FAITH OR REACTIVE BAPTISM?

«Being Christian means bearing witness and, if necessary, fight the worst tendencies of the Prince who governs this world with all the political means granted to anyone with the right to think, speech and electoral vote. Baptismal faith is not something private, but how much more public can there be: active testimony. If not, everything risks being reduced to fear and emotion".

- Actuality -

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Author

Author
Ariel S. Levi di Gualdo

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The 4 March 2024 the Eiffel Tower lit up with the writing «My body, my choice» — my body, my choice - to celebrate the inclusion of the "right" to abortion in the French Constitution, first nation in the world to do so.

France, catechumen being baptized during the Easter Vigil (OSV News photo/James Ramos, Texas Catholic Herald)

It's France itself, secular to the point of exasperation, never truly freed from the revolutionary anticlericalism that remained smoldering like embers under the ashes, the same as in 1793 transformed Notre-Dame into the temple of the Goddess Reason and which in the last two years has found itself celebrating something completely different: an explosion of requests for baptism among teenagers, young people and adults which is unprecedented in its recent history. In 2025 they went further 17.800 the catechumens baptized at Easter: 10.384 grown ups, the 45% more than 2024, beyond 7.400 teenagers among 11 e i 17 year old.

I couldn't help but be happy, be clear, before an adult who consciously asks for this sacrament of grace that cleanses from original sin and opens up the path of Christian life. but yet, I confess this without any pessimism, something about this phenomenon doesn't convince me and with all my heart I hope I have to say, in a few years, that I was wrong. I really want it, I'm wrong.

To understand the phenomenon we must start from two French fears, both real and competing. The first is that of an aggressive secularism that has never been content with separating the State from the Church - something sacrosanct, which Catholics themselves are right to defend to protect both freedoms: of the State and the Church - but which has progressively risen to supreme truth, to a substitute civil religion: it is not the first time in the history of France, the Goddess of Reason installed on the altar of Notre-Dame in 1793 it demonstrates it with the strength of the previous one. The second, less declared but no less widespread, it is instead constituted by the fear of a growing number of French people faced with the expansion of Muslim communities who refuse any integration and who have transformed entire neighborhoods - even in the capital - into enclaves where the law of Great Republic matters less than the law of the square. Exasperating and aggressive secularism on the one hand, fear of Islamization on the other: two pressures they generate, together, fear and confusion in a nation that, no matter how hard he tries to deny it, it cannot erase its Christian roots, an anthropological baggage that constitutes it profoundly, even before its history.

It is in this scenario that I believe it is legitimate to ask an uncomfortable question: these conversions arise from a flash of lightning on the road to Damascus - as happened, over the centuries, to famous people and countless strangers — or they are a reaction, a form of identity defense, an escape from fear dressed up as a sacrament? It would not be the first time that Christianity acts as a bond of people and a refuge in a moment of collective confusion: the case of Poland, in Europa, remains the most eloquent. But what came next is also instructive: in fact the specter of communism has fallen, who had made faith an act of national resistance, Poland has embarked on a secularization as rapid as that of France. Participation in Sunday mass, than in 1981 it was still about the 52,7% of the Polish faithful, she went down to the 46,8% In the 2001, al 40% In the 2011, until the 28,3% the 2021. Almost like for many, the common enemy against which faith was a barrier has disappeared, Christianity had lost its subjective and social utility and purpose.

To understand this mechanism It is worth taking a step back in history, because the link between collective fear and a return to faith - and conversely the link between widespread well-being and religious disaffection - is not an invention of the twentieth century. In Europe devastated by the Black Death of 1347-1351, which wiped out almost half the population in just a few years, popular religiosity exploded to the point of bordering on excess: the flagellant movement was born, who crossed the cities in procession practicing public self-flagellation as extreme penance, convinced that he was acting under direct inspiration from God; pilgrimages and vows multiplied, the cult of the patron saints from the plague grew enormously, San Rocco above all. It was such an exasperated religiosity that the Supreme Pontiff Clement VI had to intervene with two bulls, in July and September 1349, to condemn its excesses and publicly prohibit its practices, a sign that the Church too, in the face of collective terror, he recognized the risk of a refuge-faith capable of bordering on fanaticism.

A case closer to us and in some ways Spain mirrors the Polish one. National Catholicism in the post-Franco war, who had made faith a pillar of identity in a country torn apart by the civil war - during which, between 1936 and the 1939, the anticlerical persecution in the areas controlled by the republicans cost lives, according to the reference study by the historian Antonio Montero Moreno, about 6.832 religious, thirteen bishops included, as well as thousands of lay people killed for their faith - first went through the economic boom of the 1960s and then, above all, the democratic transition and the decades of peace and growing freedom that followed: and it is precisely in those decades that the collapse came, sudden. In just twenty years Spain has gone from a country where the 92% of the population grew Catholic to one in which only the 66% still declares itself as such: over twelve million fewer people, the largest contraction in Europe in absolute terms; baptisms have come down from 325.271 In the 2007 a 214.271 in recent years, today more than half of Spanish children are not baptized and among young people come 18 to the 24 years ago, over half now declare themselves non-Catholic. The seminars emptied at the same time: -30% of seminarians in the last decade e 10.615 parishes up 23.286 — more than half — are today without a resident priest.

It is certainly no coincidence that Spain, in this same thirty years of galloping de-Christianization, has become the European laboratory from which they were born, in sequence, some of the most radical legislative changes on the continent: same-sex marriage, introduced on 30 June 2005, third country in the world after the Netherlands and Belgium, with adoption rights included from day one; the express divorce of the same year, which eliminated any obligation of preventive separation; active euthanasia, legalized in March 2021, seventh country in the world to do so; the so-called ley trans of February 2023, which introduced the change of registered sex upon simple self-declaration, without any medical requirement, among the most permissive regulations in Europe. I don't claim that there is a plan behind all this - it would be unprovable - but the chronological coincidence between the void left by faith and the ground made available for these transformations remains at least a fact to reflect on.

The thread that binds the Black Death, post-Franco Spain and post-communist Poland is the same, mirror bed: in moments of great fear and collective uncertainty the churches fill up, often beyond the measure of authentic faith; in moments of peace and widespread prosperity they become empty, with them diocesan seminaries and religious novitiates are also emptying. In the poorest countries in the world, the bishops ask for financial aid to build seminaries from European bishops who, Meanwhile, they gradually closed their own, going so far as to sell most of the buildings and concentrate the few seminarians from all the dioceses of an entire ecclesiastical region in a single seminary. How authentic certain vocations are and how many aspiring priests are young people who are only looking for a better state of life and a role of maximum respect in their civil societies? All this is not a mechanical law, nor can grace be reducible to a sociological cycle. But it is a pattern that repeats itself with enough regularity to impose caution on anyone looking at the today 17.800 French catechumens and would certainly like to read in it a new springtime of faith, because this can only be assessed in several years.

An authentic conversion, especially in adulthood, it needs strong and well-considered reasons, it cannot be the result of emotion alone, of fear, of the need to belong in a moment of identity loss. Augustine, first a pleasure-loving libertine, then a Manichaean, he didn't convert to defend himself from something, but why something, or rather someone had reached him to the point of undermining all his intellectual and moral resistance. The same applies, in times closer to us, for conversions like that of Edith Stein, Jew and eminent philosopher, or by André Frossard, atheist and communist, later appointed member of the French Academy, all inspirations that arise from an encounter, not from a siege, I am the conscious and free fruit of that love that chases away fear (cf.. 1 GV 4,18). The risk, in France, is that a part of these 17.800 people found not Christ in the baptismal font, but a trench: a solid identity to oppose to a world - secularist on the one hand, Islamized on the other - perceived as hostile. This is not necessarily the case and it would be ungenerous and even dishonest to assume this a priori for everyone. S. AND. Mons. Olivier Leborgne, Bishop of Arras and former vice-president of the French Episcopal Conference, he explained that new catechumens often come from complicated lives, sometimes marked by wounds and experience entry into faith as a healing experience. And this is the language of authentic grace, not trenches, even more so, time will confirm or deny it.

So it takes time to distinguish one thing from another. Time is what is always missing from Easter statistics and what the Church instead, of always, to give: a serious catechumenate, an accompaniment that is not satisfied with the number and verifies the quality of the "yes" pronounced at the baptismal font, exactly what I had the opportunity to write in a forthcoming article of mine regarding the vocational crisis in Benedictine and Cistercian monasteries, massive entry without adequate discernment has already shown that it can betray, in other contexts, within a generation.

If in a few years France dei 17.800 catechumens the 2025 it will be a more Christian France and not just a more frightened France that has looked for a fort, then I must have been wrong. And it will be, per me, the greatest joy. If not, we will have witnessed: one part, to the Eiffel Tower illuminated to celebrate the inclusion of “right” to abortion in the French Constitution, on the other to an army of reactive baptized people who will not have understood that being Christian means bearing witness and, if necessary, fight the worst tendencies of the Prince who governs this world with all the political means granted to anyone with the right to think, speech and electoral vote. Baptismal faith is not something private, but how much more public can there be: active testimony. If not, everything risks being reduced to fear and emotion.

From the island of Patmos, 28 September 2026

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FRANCE. BAPTISMS OF FAITH OR REACTIVE BAPTISMS?

«Being Christian means bearing witness and, when necessary, fighting — with all the political means granted to anyone with the right to think, speak and vote — against the worst excesses of the Prince who rules this world. Baptismal faith is not something private, but the most public thing there can be: active witness. If not, everything risks being reduced to fear and emotion».

— Contemporary ecclesial affairs —

Author

Author
Ariel S. Levi di Gualdo

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On 4 March 2024 the Eiffel Tower lit up with the words «My body, my choice» — my body, my choice — to celebrate the enshrining of the “right” to abortion in the French Constitution, the first nation in the world to do so. This is the same France, secular to the point of exasperation, never truly freed from the revolutionary anticlericalism that has gone on smoldering like an ember beneath the ash, the same France that in 1793 turned Notre-Dame into the temple of the Goddess Reason and that in the last two years finds itself celebrating something altogether different: an explosion of requests for baptism among adolescents, young people and adults with no precedent in its recent history. In 2025 more than 17,800 catechumens were baptized at Easter: 10,384 adults, 45% more than in 2024, and over 7,400 adolescents between the ages of 11 and 17.

I could only be glad, let it be clear, before an adult who consciously asks for this sacrament of grace that washes away original sin and opens the path to the Christian life. And yet, I confess without any pessimism, something about this phenomenon does not entirely convince me, and with all my heart I hope to have to say, a few years from now, that I was wrong. I truly wish to be wrong.

To understand the phenomenon, one must start from two French fears, both real and concurrent. The first is that of an aggressive secularism that has never been content merely to separate Church from State — a sacrosanct principle, which Catholics themselves are right to defend in order to safeguard both freedoms, that of the State and that of the Church — but that has progressively set itself up as supreme truth, as a substitute civil religion: it is not the first time in the history of France; the Goddess Reason enthroned on the altar of Notre-Dame in 1793 demonstrates this with the force of precedent. The second, less openly declared but no less widespread, consists instead in the fear felt by a growing number of French people before the expansion of Muslim communities that reject all integration and that have turned entire neighborhoods — even in the capital — into enclaves where the law of the Great Republic counts for less than the law of the street. Exasperated, aggressive secularism on one side, fear of Islamization on the other: two pressures that together generate fear and bewilderment in a nation which, however hard it tries to deny it, cannot erase its own Christian roots, an anthropological inheritance that constitutes it at its depths, even before its history does.

It is in this scenario that I consider it legitimate to ask an uncomfortable question: do these conversions arise from a Damascus-road revelation — as has happened, over the centuries, to celebrated figures and to countless unknown ones — or are they a reaction, a form of identity self-defense, a flight from fear dressed up as a Sacrament? It would not be the first time that Christianity has served as a people’s bond and refuge in a moment of collective disorientation: the case of Poland, in Europe, remains the most eloquent. But what came afterward is instructive too: once the specter of communism had fallen — communism that had made faith an act of national resistance — Poland embarked on a secularization every bit as rapid as France’s own. Sunday Mass attendance, which in 1981 still involved 52.7% of Polish faithful, fell to 46.8% in 2001, to 40% in 2011, and down to 28.3% in 2021. As though, for many, once the common enemy against which faith had stood as a bulwark was gone, Christianity had lost its own usefulness and its subjective and social purpose.

To understand this mechanism, it is worth taking a step back in history, because the link between collective fear and a return to faith — and, conversely, the link between widespread prosperity and religious disaffection — is no invention of the twentieth century. In the Europe devastated by the Black Death of 1347-1351, which cut down nearly half the population within a few years, popular religiosity exploded to the point of excess: the flagellant movement was born, processing through cities practicing public self-flagellation as extreme penance, convinced they were acting under God’s direct inspiration; pilgrimages and vows multiplied, and the cult of the saints who protected against plague grew beyond measure, Saint Roch above all. It was a religiosity so overwrought that Pope Clement VI had to intervene with two bulls, in July and September 1349, to condemn its excesses and publicly forbid its practices — a sign that even the Church, faced with collective terror, recognized the risk of a refuge-faith capable of sliding into fanaticism.

A case closer to us, and in certain respects a mirror of the Polish one, is Spain. National Catholicism in the post-war Francoist era, which had made faith an identity pillar in a country torn apart by civil war — during which, between 1936 and 1939, anticlerical persecution in the zones controlled by the Republicans cost the lives, according to the reference study by the historian Antonio Montero Moreno, of roughly 6,832 clergy and religious, including thirteen bishops, in addition to thousands of laypeople killed for their faith — passed first through the economic boom of the 1960s and then, above all, through the democratic transition and the following decades of peace and growing freedom: and it is precisely in those decades that the collapse arrived, sudden. In barely twenty years Spain went from a country where 92% of the population grew up Catholic to one where only 66% still declares itself so: more than twelve million people fewer, the largest contraction in Europe in absolute terms; baptisms fell from 325,271 in 2007 to 214,271 in recent years, today more than half of Spanish children are not baptized, and among young people aged 18 to 24 more than half now declare themselves non-Catholic. Seminaries have emptied at the same pace: a 30% drop in seminarians over the last decade, and 10,615 out of 23,286 parishes — nearly half — are today without a resident priest.

It is surely no coincidence that Spain, in this same thirty-year span of galloping dechristianization, became the European laboratory from which, in sequence, some of the continent’s most radical legislative turning points were born: same-sex marriage, introduced on 30 June 2005, the third country in the world to do so after the Netherlands and Belgium, with the right to adoption included from the very first day; express divorce that same year, which eliminated any requirement of prior separation; active euthanasia, legalized in March 2021, the seventh country in the world to do so; the so-called ley trans of February 2023, which introduced the change of legal sex on simple self-declaration, with no medical requirement whatsoever, among the most permissive regulations in Europe. I am not claiming that behind all this lies a design — that would be impossible to prove — but the chronological coincidence between the void left by faith and the ground made available for these transformations remains, at the very least, a fact worth pondering.

The thread linking the Black Death, post-Francoist Spain and post-communist Poland is the same one, read as in a mirror: in moments of great fear and collective uncertainty, churches fill up, often beyond the measure of authentic faith; in moments of peace and widespread prosperity, they empty, and with them diocesan seminaries and religious novitiates empty too. In the world’s poorer countries, bishops ask for financial aid to build seminaries from European bishops who, meanwhile, have been progressively closing their own, going so far as to sell off much of the property and to concentrate in a single seminary the few seminarians from every diocese of an entire ecclesiastical region. How many of certain vocations are genuine, and how many aspiring priests are instead simply young men seeking a better state of life and a position of the utmost respect within their own civil societies? None of this is a mechanical law, nor can grace be reduced to a sociological cycle. But it is a pattern that repeats itself with sufficient regularity to counsel prudence to anyone who today looks at France’s 17,800 catechumens and is tempted to read into them, without further thought, a new springtime of faith — because that can only be judged several years from now.

An authentic conversion, especially in adulthood, needs strong and well-examined reasons; it cannot be the offspring of mere emotion, of fear, of the need to belong in a moment of identity disorientation. Augustine, first a hedonistic libertine and then a Manichaean, was not converted in order to defend himself from something, but because something — or rather, someone — had reached him, dismantling every intellectual and moral resistance he had. The same holds, in times closer to our own, for conversions such as that of Edith Stein, a Jewish woman and eminent philosopher, or of André Frossard, an atheist and communist who was later made a member of the Académie française — all of them revelations born of an encounter, not of a siege, the conscious and free fruit of that love which drives out fear (cf. 1 Jn 4:18). The risk, in France, is that some of these 17,800 people may have found at the baptismal font not Christ, but a trench: a solid identity to set against a world — secularist on one side, Islamized on the other — perceived as hostile. It need not be so, and it would be ungenerous, even dishonest, to presume it a priori for everyone. His Excellency Bishop Olivier Leborgne, Bishop of Arras and formerly vice-president of the French Bishops’ Conference, has explained that the new catechumens often come from complicated lives, at times marked by wounds, and experience their entry into the faith as an experience of healing. And that is the language of authentic grace, not of a trench — all the more so as it will be time to come that confirms or disproves it.

Time is therefore needed to tell one thing from the other. Time is precisely what Easter statistics always lack, and what the Church, as ever, knows how to give: a serious catechumenate, an accompaniment that is not satisfied with the numbers and that verifies the quality of the «yes» spoken at the baptismal font — exactly what, as I have had occasion to write in an article of mine soon to be published concerning the vocational crisis in Benedictine and Cistercian monasteries, a massive intake without adequate discernment has already shown itself capable of betraying, in other contexts, within the space of a single generation.

If, some years from now, the France of the 17,800 catechumens of 2025 turns out to be a more Christian France and not merely a more frightened France that went looking for a stronghold, then I will have been wrong. And that, for me, will be the greatest joy. If not, we will have witnessed: on one side, the Eiffel Tower lit up to celebrate the enshrining of the “right” to abortion in the French Constitution, and on the other an army of reactive newly baptized who will not have understood that being Christian means bearing witness and, when necessary, fighting — with all the political means granted to anyone with the right to think, speak and vote — against the worst excesses of the Prince who rules this world. Baptismal faith is not something private, but the most public thing there can be: active witness. If not, everything risks being reduced to fear and emotion.

From The Island of Patmos, 28 September 2026

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FRANCE. BAPTISM OF FAITH OR REACTIVE BAPTISM ?

“To be a Christian means to bear witness and, if necessary, fight — by all political means recognized to anyone who has the right to think, of speech and vote - the worst excesses of the Prince who governs this world. Baptismal faith is not a private thing, but what is most public there is : active testimony. Otherwise, everything risks being reduced to fear and emotionality”.

— Church news —

Author

Auteur
Ariel S. Levi di Gualdo

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the 4 mars 2024, the Eiffel Tower lit up of the inscription “My body, my choice », to celebrate the inclusion of the “right” to abortion in the French Constitution, France thus becoming the first nation in the world to do so. It's the same France, secular to the point of exasperation, never really freed from the revolutionary anticlericalism that remained smoldering like an ember under the ashes, the same one who, in 1793, transformed Notre-Dame into a temple of the Goddess Reason and which, the last two years, finds himself celebrating something completely different : an explosion of baptism requests among adolescents, young people and adults, unprecedented in its recent history. On 2025, more than 17 800 catechumens were baptized at Easter : 10 384 adults, either 45 % more than 2024, and more than 7 400 adolescents aged 11 at 17 ans.

I could only be happy, let us understand it well, in front of an adult who asks in full conscience this sacrament of grace which cleanses from original sin and opens the path to Christian life. And yet, I admit it without the slightest pessimism, something about this phenomenon doesn't quite convince me, and I sincerely wish I had to say, in a few years, that I was wrong. I really wish it, cheat on me.

To understand the phenomenon, we must start from two French fears, both real and concurrent. The first is that of an aggressive secularism which has never been content to separate the State from the Church – a sacrosanct thing., that Catholics themselves are right to defend for the protection of the two freedoms, that of the State and that of the Church - but which has gradually established itself as the supreme truth, a religion civil de substitution : this is not the first time in French history, the Goddess Reason installed on the altar of Notre-Dame in 1793 demonstrates it with the force of the precedent. The second, less reported but just as widespread, is due to the fear of a growing number of French people facing the expansion of Muslim communities who refuse any integration and who have transformed entire neighborhoods – including in the capital – into enclaves where the law of the Great Republic weighs less than the law of the street. Exasperating and aggressive secularism on one side, fear of the Islamization of others : two pressures which together generate fear and dismay in a nation which, despite all his efforts to deny it, cannot erase its own Christian roots, an anthropological background which constitutes it in its depths, even before its history.

It is in this context that I believe it is legitimate to ask a disturbing question : Are these conversions born from a flash on the road to Damascus – as happened?, over the centuries, to famous people and countless unknowns — or are they a reaction, a form of identity defense, a flight from fear which is clothed in the Sacrament ? It would not be the first time that Christianity has served as national glue and refuge in a moment of collective dismay. : the case of Poland, a Europe, remains the most eloquent. But what came next is just as instructive : the specter of communism once fallen - it which had made faith an act of national resistance -, Poland is engaged in secularization as rapid as that of France. Participation in Sunday mass, which still concerned 52,7 % Polish faithful in 1981, fell to 46,8 % in 2001, at 40 % in 2011, until 28,3 % in 2021. As if, for many, the common enemy having disappeared - the one against whom faith was a bulwark -, Christianity had lost its usefulness and purpose, both subjectively and socially.

To understand this mechanism, it is appropriate to take a step back in history, because the link between collective fear and return to faith — and, conversely, the link between widespread prosperity and religious disaffection — is not a 20th century invention. In Europe devastated by the Black Death of 1347-1351, which decimated almost half the population in a few years, popular religiosity exploded to the point of sinking into excess : the flagellant movement was born, who traveled through cities in procession practicing public self-flagellation as extreme penance, convinced of acting under the direct inspiration of God ; pilgrimages and vows multiplied, the cult of saints protecting the plague experienced disproportionate growth, Saint Roch at the head. It was such an exacerbated religiosity that the sovereign pontiff Clement VI had to intervene with two bulls, in July and September 1349, to condemn its excesses and publicly prohibit its practices - a sign that the Church itself, in the face of collective terror, recognized the risk of a faith as a refuge likely to sink into fanaticism.

A case closer to us, and in some respects the mirror of the Polish case, is that of Spain. National Catholicism in the post-Franco war, who had made faith a pillar of identity in a country emerging from a civil war - during which, between 1936 and 1939, anticlerical persecution carried out in republican-controlled areas cost lives, according to the reference study by the historian Antonio Montero Moreno, approximately 6 832 religious, thirteen bishops included, as well as thousands of lay people killed for their faith —, first went through the economic boom of the 1960s, Then, Above all, the Democratic Transition and the decades of peace and increasing freedom that followed : It was precisely during these decades that the collapse occurred, suddenly. In barely twenty years, Spain has gone from a country where 92 % of the population grew up in Catholicism in a country where only 66 % still declare themselves Catholic : more than twelve million fewer people, the largest contraction in Europe in absolute value ; baptisms fell from 325 271 in 2007 at 214 271 in recent years, today more than half of Spanish children are not baptized, and among the young people of 18 at 24 ans, more than half now declare themselves to be non-Catholic. The seminars emptied at the same rate : -30 % of seminarians over the last decade, and 10 615 parishes on 23 286 — almost half — are today deprived of a resident priest.

It is certainly no coincidence that Spain, during these same thirty years of galloping dechristianization, became the European laboratory from which were born, in sequence, some of the most radical legislative turning points on the continent : same-sex marriage, introduced the 30 June 2005, third country in the world to do so after the Netherlands and Belgium, with the right to adoption from day one ; the express divorce of the same year, which removed any obligation of prior separation ; active euthanasia, legalized in March 2021, seventh country in the world to do so ; the so-called trans law of February 2023, who introduced the change of civil status upon simple declaration, without any medical requirements, one of the most permissive laws in Europe. I am not saying that there is a design behind all this – that would be undemonstrable –, but the chronological coincidence between the void left by faith and the ground made available for these transformations remains, at the very least, a fact worth reflecting on.

The thread that connects the Black Death, post-Franco Spain and post-communist Poland is the same, read in mirror : in times of great fear and collective uncertainty, the churches are filling, often beyond the measure of authentic faith ; in times of peace and widespread prosperity, they empty themselves, and with them the diocesan seminaries and religious novitiates are also empty.. In the poorest countries in the world, bishops ask for financial aid to build seminaries from European bishops who, in the meantime, gradually closed theirs, going so far as to sell a large part of their buildings and to concentrate in a single seminary the rare seminarians from all the dioceses of an entire ecclesiastical region. How much, among certain vocations, are they authentic, and how much, on the contrary, are young aspiring priests only seeking a better standard of living and a role of the greatest respect within their civil societies? ? All this is not a mechanical law, and grace cannot be reduced to a sociological cycle. But it is a pattern that repeats itself with sufficient regularity to impose caution on anyone looking at the 17 800 French catechumens and would like to read there without further delay a new spring of faith, because this can only be judged in several years.

An authentic conversion, especially in adulthood, needs strong and carefully considered reasons ; she cannot be the daughter of emotion alone, fear, of the need to belong in a moment of identity disarray. Augustin, first libertine enjoyer then Manichaean, does not convert to defend himself from something, but because something – or rather someone – had reached him to the point of shaking all his intellectual and moral resistance. It is the same, in a time closer to our own, for conversions such as that of Edith Stein, Jewish and philosopher badge, or André Frossard, atheist and communist, later elected member of the French Academy : all these fulgurations are born from an encounter, not a seat, and are the conscious and free fruit of this love which banishes fear (cf. 1 Jn 4, 18). The risk, In France, is that part of these 17 800 people found on the baptismal font not Christ, but a trench : a solid identity to oppose to a world – secularist on one side, Islamized by the other — perceived as hostile. It is not said that this is so, and he would be petty, even dishonest, to presume it a priori for all. Mgr Olivier Leborgne, bishop of Arras and former vice-president of the Conference of Bishops of France, explained that new catechumens often come from complicated lives, sometimes marked by injuries, and experience their entry into faith as a healing experience. And this is the language of authentic grace, not that of the trench - all the more reason to let the time to come provide confirmation or denial.

So it takes time to distinguish one from the other. Time is precisely what is always missing from Easter statistics, and what the Church, elle, always knows how to give : a serious catechumenate, an accompaniment which is not satisfied with the number and which verifies the quality of the “yes” pronounced at the baptismal font – exactly what, as I had the opportunity to write in an article to be published soon on the vocational crisis in Benedictine and Cistercian monasteries, mass entry without adequate discernment has already shown that it could betray, in other contexts, within a generation.

And, in a few years, the France of 17 800 catechumens from 2025 reveals itself as a more Christian France, and not only a more frightened France gone in search of a fort, then I would have been wrong. And it will be, In my opinion, the greatest joy. Otherwise, we will have attended, on the one hand, at the illuminated Eiffel Tower to celebrate the inclusion of the “right” to abortion in the French Constitution, and on the other hand to an army of reactive baptized people who will not have understood that being Christian means witnessing and, if necessary, fight — by all political means recognized to anyone who has the right to think, of speech and vote - the worst excesses of the Prince who governs this world. Baptismal faith is not a private thing, but what is most public there is : active testimony. Otherwise, everything risks being reduced to fear and emotionality.

From the Island of Patmos, the 28 september 2026

.

FRANCE. BAPTISM OF FAITH OR REACTIVE BAPTISM??

«Being a Christian means witnessing and, if necessary, combat - with all recognized political means those who have the right to think, word and vote — the worst deviations of the Prince who rules this world. Baptismal faith is not something private, but the most public that can exist: the active testimony. Otherwise, everything runs the risk of being reduced to fear and emotion.

- Ecclesial news -

Author

Author
Ariel S. Levi di Gualdo

.

The 4 March 2024 the Eiffel Tower lit up with the inscription «My body, my choice» — my body, my choice — to celebrate the inclusion of the “right” to abortion in the French Constitution, first nation in the world to do so. It's the same France, secular to the point of exasperation, who never truly freed himself from revolutionary anticlericalism, and that continues to simmer like an ember under the ashes; the same as in 1793 transformed Notre-Dame into a temple of the Goddess Reason and that in the last two years has celebrated something very different: an explosion of baptism requests among teenagers, young people and adults unprecedented in recent history. On 2025 were more than 17.800 catechumens baptized at Easter: 10.384 adults, a 45% more than in 2024, and more than 7.400 teenagers from 11 and 17 years.

I couldn't help but rejoice, let it be clear, before an adult who asks with full conscience for the sacrament of grace that cleanses from original sin and opens the path of Christian life. And yet, I confess it without any pessimism, something that in this phenomenon does not convince me at all, and I wish with all my heart to have to say, in a few years: I made a mistake. I really want to be wrong.

To understand the phenomenon we must start from two French fears, both real and concurrent. The first is that of an aggressive secularism that has never been content with separating the State from the Church — a sacrosanct thing., and that Catholics themselves have reasons to defend to protect both freedoms: that of the State and that of the Church —, and that has progressively emerged as the supreme truth, as a substitute civil religion. It is not the first time in the history of France, the Goddess Reason enthroned on the altar of Notre-Dame in 1793 demonstrates with force the precedent. The second, less declared, but no less widespread, Instead, it is the fear of a growing number of French people who, faced with the expansion of Muslim communities that reject all integration and have turned entire neighborhoods — also in the capital — into enclaves where the law of Great Republic weighs less than the law of the street. Infuriating and aggressive secularism, on the one hand, fear of Islamization by another: two pressures that together generate fear and confusion in a nation that, no matter how hard you try to deny it, cannot erase his own Christian roots. An anthropological baggage that constitutes her in the deepest part, even before its own history.

It is in this scenario where I consider it legitimate to raise an uncomfortable question: Are these conversions born from a flash on the road to Damascus — as has happened, throughout the centuries, to famous people and countless strangers — or are they a reaction, a form of identity defense, an escape from fear that is clothed in Sacramento? It would not be the first time that Christianity serves as a mortar for the people and a refuge in a moment of collective confusion.: the case of Poland, in Europe, remains the most eloquent. But what came next is also instructive.: the specter of communism fallen, who had made faith an act of national resistance, Poland undertook secularization as fast as France. Participation in Sunday Mass, that in 1981 still reached 52,7% of the Polish faithful, descended to 46,8% in 2001, al 40% in 2011, until the 28,3% in 2021. As if, for many, the common enemy against which faith acted as a dam has disappeared, Christianity would have lost its own usefulness and subjective and social purpose.

To understand this mechanism It is worth taking a step back in history, because the link between collective fear and the return to faith — and, the other way around, the link between general well-being and religious detachment — not a 20th century invention. In Europe devastated by the Black Death of 1347-1351, that decimated almost half of the population in a few years, popular religiosity exploded to the point of bordering on excess: the flagellants movement was born, who toured the cities in procession practicing public self-flagellation as extreme penance, convinced of acting by direct inspiration from God. Pilgrimages and votes multiplied, and the cult of the saints who protected the plague grew disproportionately, like Saint Roque to first place. It was a religiosity so exasperated that the Supreme Pontiff Clement VI had to intervene with two bulls, in July and September 1349, to condemn their excesses and publicly prohibit their practices. A sign that even the Church, in the face of collective terror, recognized the risk of a faith-refuge capable of degenerating into fanaticism.

A case closer to us and, in certain aspects, speculate in Polish, it's Spain. National Catholicism in the post-Franco war, who had made faith a pillar of identity in a country that had been torn apart by a civil war — during which, between 1936 and 1939, anticlerical persecution in Republican-controlled areas cost lives, according to the reference study by historian Antonio Montero Moreno, to some 6.832 religious, thirteen bishops, and thousands of lay people murdered for their faith —, first went through the economic boom of the sixties, and above all, the democratic transition with the decades of peace and increasing freedom that followed: and it is precisely in those decades when the collapse came, sudden. In just twenty years, Spain has gone from being a country where 92% of the population grew in the Catholic faith to one where only the 66% is still declared as such: more than twelve million fewer people, the largest decline in Europe in absolute terms; baptisms have fallen from 325.271 in 2007 a 214.271 in recent years; Today more than half of Spanish children are not baptized, and among the young people of 18 a 24 years more than half declare themselves non-Catholic. The seminaries have emptied at the same rate: a decrease in 30% in number of seminarians in the last decade, and 10.615 of the 23.286 — parishes, almost half — today lack a resident priest.

It is no coincidence that precisely Spain, in this same thirty years of rampant de-Christianization, has become the European laboratory from which they were born, in sequence, some of the most radical legislative changes on the continent: same-sex marriage, introduced on 30 June 2005, third country in the world to do so after the Netherlands and Belgium, including the right to adoption from day one; the quick divorce that same year, which eliminated any requirement for prior separation; active euthanasia, legalized in March 2021, seventh country in the world to do so; the so-called trans law of February 2023, that introduced the change of registered sex by simple self-declaration, without any medical requirement, among the most permissive regulations in Europe. I do not claim that there is a design behind all this — it would be unprovable —, but the chronological coincidence between the void left by faith and the terrain available for these transformations remains, at least, a fact to reflect on.

The thread that unites the black plague, post-Franco Spain and post-communist Poland is the same, reflected in time like a mirror: In moments of great fear and collective uncertainty, churches fill, often beyond the measure of authentic faith; in times of peace and widespread prosperity they are emptied, and with them the diocesan seminaries and religious novitiates are also emptied.. In the poorest countries in the world, The bishops ask for financial aid to build seminaries from European bishops who, meanwhile, they have been progressively closing theirs, going so far as to sell a large part of its buildings and concentrate the few seminarians from all the dioceses of an ecclesiastical region in a single seminary.. How authentic are certain vocations?, and how many aspiring priests are actually just young people seeking a better state of life and a role of maximum respect in their own civil societies? All this is not a mechanical law, nor can grace be reduced to a sociological cycle. But it is a pattern that is repeated with sufficient regularity to impose caution on anyone who looks at the 17.800 French catechumens and want to read in them, without a doubt, a new spring of faith, because this can only be assessed in several years.

A true conversion, especially in adulthood, needs strong and contrasted reasons; It cannot be the daughter of mere emotion, of fear, of the need to belong in a moment of identity confusion. Augustine, first happy libertine and then manichean, He didn't convert to defend himself from something, but because something - or rather someone - had reached him to the point of disarming all his intellectual and moral resistance.. The same goes, in times closer to us, for conversions like Edith Stein's, Jew and distinguished philosopher, or André Frossard's, atheist and communist, later appointed member of the French Academy: all of them fulgurations that are born from an encounter, not from a siege, conscious and free fruit of that love that expels fear (cf. 1 Jn 4,18). The risk, in France, is that a part of these 17.800 people have found in the baptismal font not Christ, but a trench: a solid identity to oppose a world — secular on the one hand, Islamized by another — perceived as hostile. It is not necessarily said that it is so, and it would be mean, and even dishonest, show it off a priori for everyone. Mons. Olivier Leborgne, bishop of Arras and former vice president of the French Episcopal Conference, has explained that new catechumens often come from complicated lives, sometimes marked by wounds, and live the entry into faith as a healing experience. And that is the language of authentic grace., not from the trench — all the more reason will be the time to come that will confirm or deny.

It is necessary, therefore, time to distinguish one thing from another. Time is precisely what is always missing from Easter statistics, and what the Church instead, since always, knows how to give: a serious catechumenate, an accompaniment that is not satisfied with the number and that verifies the quality of the “yes” pronounced before the baptismal font — exactly what, as I have had the opportunity to write in a soon-to-be published article regarding the vocational crisis in Benedictine and Cistercian monasteries, massive entry without adequate discernment has already proven to be able to betray, in other contexts, over the course of a generation.

If in a few years the France of the 17.800 catechumens from 2025 turns out to be a more Christian France, and not only a more frightened France that looked for a fort, then I must have been wrong. and it will be, for me, the greatest joy. Otherwise, we will have attended: on the one hand, to the illuminated Eiffel Tower to celebrate the inclusion of the "right" to abortion in the French Constitution; for another, to an army of reactive baptized people who will not have understood that being Christian means witnessing and, if necessary, combat - with all recognized political means those who have the right to think, word and vote — the worst deviations of the Prince who rules this world. Baptismal faith is not something private, but the most public that can exist: the active testimony. Otherwise, everything runs the risk of being reduced to fear and emotion.

From the Island of Patmos, 28 of September 2026

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The Fathers of the Island of Patmos

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Le prostitute vi passano avanti nel regno di Dio ― Prostitutes are entering the kingdom of God before you ― Prostitutes go ahead of you in the kingdom of God

26 September 2026/in Homiletics/by Hermit Monk

Homiletics of the Fathers of The Island of Patmos

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PROSTITUTES PASS AHEAD OF YOU INTO THE KINGDOM OF GOD

«John in fact came to you on the path of justice, and you didn't believe him; the tax collectors and the prostitutes believed him instead. Butter, on the contrary, you have seen these things, but then you didn't even repent enough to believe him"

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In the chapter 21 of his Gospel Matthew shows how the confrontation between Jesus and the Jewish authorities becomes increasingly tense and embittered.

The Venerable Father Oreste Benzi, the angel of prostitutes

In particular, after a discussion with the chief priests and the elders of the people on his authority (Mt 21,23-27), Jesus speaks three parables all focused on rejection, by the leaders of Israel, of the offer of salvation. Here is the song for this XXVI Sunday in Ordinary Time:

 

"During that time, Jesus said to the chief priests and the elders of the people: “What do you think? A man had two sons. He turned to the first and said: 'Son, go and work in the vineyard today. And he answered: "I don't want to". But then he repented and went there. He turned to the second and said the same. And he answered: "Yup, Gentleman". But he didn't go. Which of the two fulfilled the will of the father?». They replied: «The first». And Jesus said to them,: "Truly I say to you: the publicans and the harlots go into the kingdom of God. For John came to you on the path of righteousness, and you didn't believe him; the tax collectors and the prostitutes believed him instead. Butter, on the contrary, you have seen these things, but then you didn't even repent enough to believe him" (Mt 21,28-32).

This parable had a particular textual transmission. Some important witnesses of the text, like the Vatican Code (B), they reverse the order of the children, so he becomes the second son to respond to his father that he doesn't want to go, only to then go to the vineyard. It could be due to an ideological reason centered on a certain vision of the history of salvation: the first child, who says to go but then doesn't carry out his intention, it would have already been identified by some Christian copyists with the Jews, while the pagans would be represented by the son who says he doesn't want to go, but then he will go to work. And since this logic was not supported by the order in which the protagonists are presented, the order would have been reversed. On the level of textual criticism, the order currently present in the critical text is to be preferred, although some doubts remain.

The parabolic story in San Matteo it is the second to be set in a vineyard (the first is found in Mt 19,30–20,16), and it is part of the material of the first evangelist, therefore it has no parallels with Mark or Luke. Consisting of only three verses, it is framed by two questions that attract the interlocutor's attention - v. 28: «What do you think?», which is a classical rabbinical formula; and the v. 31: “Who of the two” — and is followed by his explanation that takes up the question again, left pending at v. 27, on the authority of Jesus and the baptism of John.

The interpretations of our song they have multiplied over time and vary depending on the author. For some Fathers of the Church, the son who will not go to work in the vineyard is unquestionably Israel. This reading conveyed that theology of "substitution", also called "supersessionism", according to which - as a consequence of the fact that all the Jews would have rejected Jesus - there would no longer be any role for the people of the alliance in the history of salvation, who would therefore be assumed by the Church. This theology is not sustainable since it would be enough to reread, per convincersene, chapters 9–11 of Paul's letter to the Romans.

But those to whom Jesus addresses in the text, that is, those who investigate his authority, they are not "all" Israel, but only some of the leaders of that people, as is specified just before the parable (cf.. Mt 21,23), and as the evangelist will say shortly afterwards (cf.. Mt 21,45). It is to these that Jesus is speaking and only to these will he say a little further on: “The kingdom of God will be taken from you and given to a people who will produce its fruits” (Mt 21,43). This alternative interpretation can be based on literary reasons, but also on the fact that the identification of the son who refuses to go into the vineyard with Israel is not universal: for other Fathers, such as Saint Hilary of Poitiers, these would be only a part of the Jewish people: the Pharisees or those who allowed themselves to be influenced by them.

More than the problem of identification, that is, who Jesus is talking about, upon closer inspection, the parable seems to be centered above all on another question: the one concerning the classic relationship in the biblical and Jewish tradition between saying and doing. Carry out the will of the Father, for Jesus, it is not simply a question of words, but rather facts, as emerges in the Sermon on the Mount: «Not just anyone says to me «Lord, Lord" will enter the kingdom of heaven, but he who does the will of my Father in heaven" (Mt 7,21). The religious leaders addressed in the parable, who believe they can serve God by remaining faithful to the Torah, in fact they do not obey him.

For this Jesus rebukes them of not having listened to the message of John the Baptist who came on the path of observance of "justice" (Mt 21,32), while paradoxically those who were normally considered incapable of following God's commands listened to it and put it into practice, i.e. tax collectors and prostitutes. These are the children who actually go to work in the vineyard and will enter the kingdom first. They are the ones who repent (cf.. Mt 21,29.32) and knowing that they need divine grace they will open themselves to it and receive it. From this point of view, that is, by correlation between words and facts, the parable is very close to the concreteness of the Letter of James, especially when he insists on the contradiction between having faith but not works (cf.. GC 2,14-17).

At the conclusion of the parable, this expression - "the way of justice" - with which the story ends could refer both to the history of salvation in which the Baptist is also included as the precursor of Jesus, or the right behavior, in accordance with the will of God, that characterized Giovanni's life. The concept of justice, as Matthew has already made clear in the Sermon on the Mount, it takes on a specific meaning and, rather, it almost becomes a guiding concept. Matteo, indeed, will describe Jesus during the passion - (cf.. Mt 27,19, the words of Pilate's wife: «Don't have anything to do with that righteous man») — the same way the Baptist is defined. Since the beginning of the Gospel, justice has been the program that Jesus decided to fulfill and which was expressed in his first words, pronounced right in front of Giovanni (cf.. Mt 3,15: «Leave it for now, because it is fitting that we fulfill all righteousness"). For Matteo, so, It is above all important to carry out and practice justice (cf.. Mt 6,1), as the son in the parable who puts his father's will into practice shows himself to do.

From this parable the Christian learns that obedience to the word and will of God could also involve denying his own word and will. Faith, indeed, he does not ask us not to make mistakes and not to sin, but to recognize the error and confess the sin. In that son's change of mind we glimpse his internal dialogue together with his awareness of reality; there is the audacity to look oneself in the face, to dare to see each other in truth, with a view to acting responsibly. In this sense, far from being a sign of weakness, repentance is a sign of courage and strength. As rare and unpopular as it is, also in the Church, the gesture of someone who recognizes having made a mistake, of those who admit having taken positions that have proven to be not in conformity with the Gospel and change their position trying to be more faithful to the Gospel, it is a sign of human and spiritual greatness.

From the Hermitage, 26 September 2026

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PROSTITUTES ARE ENTERING THE KINGDOM OF GOD BEFORE YOU

«When John came to you in the way of righteousness, you did not believe him; but tax collectors and prostitutes did. Yet even when you saw that, you did not later change your minds and believe him»

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AutoreMonaco Hermitage

Author
Hermit Monk

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In chapter 21 of his Gospel, Matthew shows how the confrontation between Jesus and the Jewish authorities grows ever more pointed and bitter. In particular, after a dispute with the chief priests and the elders of the people over his authority (Mt 21:23–27), Jesus speaks three parables, all centred on the refusal, on the part of the leaders of Israel, of the offer of salvation. Here is the passage for this Twenty-Sixth Sunday in Ordinary Time:

«At that time, Jesus said to the chief priests and elders of the people: “What is your opinion? A man had two sons. He came to the first and said, ‘Son, go out and work in the vineyard today.’ He said in reply, ‘I will not,’ but afterwards he changed his mind and went. The man came to the other son and gave the same order. He said in reply, ‘Yes, sir,’ but did not go. Which of the two did his father’s will?” They answered, “The first.” Jesus said to them, “Amen, I say to you, tax collectors and prostitutes are entering the kingdom of God before you. When John came to you in the way of righteousness, you did not believe him; but tax collectors and prostitutes did. Yet even when you saw that, you did not later change your minds and believe him» (Mt 21:28–32).

This parable has had a distinctive textual history. Some important witnesses to the text, such as Codex Vaticanus (B), reverse the order of the sons, so that it becomes the second son who answers the father that he will not go, only to go to the vineyard after all. This may be due to an ideological reason bound up with a particular reading of the history of salvation: the first son, who says he will go but then fails to act on his word, would already have been identified by some Christian copyists with the Jews, while the pagans would be represented by the son who says he will not go, but then goes to work. And since this logic was not, however, supported by the order in which the two figures are presented, the order would have been reversed. On the level of textual criticism, the order currently found in the critical text is to be preferred, even if some doubt remains.

The parabolic account in Saint Matthew is the second to be set in a vineyard (the first is found in Mt 19:30–20:16), and belongs to material proper to the first evangelist, and therefore has no parallels in Mark or Luke. Composed of only three verses, it is framed by two questions that draw the listener’s attention — v. 28: “What is your opinion?”, a classic rabbinic formula; and v. 31: “Which of the two” — and is followed by an explanation of his own that takes up the question, left open at v. 27, concerning the authority of Jesus and the baptism of John.

Interpretations of our passage have multiplied over time and vary according to the author. For some Fathers of the Church, the son who will not go to work in the vineyard is unquestionably Israel. This reading has carried within it that theology of “replacement”, also called “supersessionism”, according to which — as a consequence of the claim that all the Jews rejected Jesus — the people of the covenant would no longer have any role in the history of salvation, a role that the Church would then take up in their place. Such a theology is not sustainable, since it would suffice to reread, to be convinced of this, chapters 9–11 of Paul’s Letter to the Romans.

But those to whom Jesus is speaking in the text, those, that is, who are questioning his authority, are not “all” Israel, but only some of the leaders of that people, as is specified shortly before the parable (cf. Mt 21:23), and as the evangelist will say shortly afterward (cf. Mt 21:45). It is to these that Jesus is speaking, and only to these that he will say a little further on: “the kingdom of God will be taken away from you and given to a people who will produce its fruit” (Mt 21:43). This alternative interpretation can be grounded in reasons of a literary kind, but also in the fact that the identification of the son who refuses to go into the vineyard with Israel is not universal: for other Fathers, such as, for example, Saint Hilary of Poitiers, these would be only a part of the Jewish people: the Pharisees, or those who let themselves be influenced by them.

More than the problem of identification — that is, of whom Jesus is speaking to — on closer inspection the parable seems to be centred above all on another question: that concerning the classic relationship, in the biblical and Jewish tradition, between saying and doing. To do the will of the Father, for Jesus, is not simply a matter of words, but rather of deeds, as emerges in the Sermon on the Mount: “Not everyone who says to me, ‘Lord, Lord,’ will enter the kingdom of heaven, but only the one who does the will of my Father in heaven” (Mt 7:21). The religious leaders to whom the parable is addressed, who believe they can serve God while remaining faithful to the Torah, do not in fact obey him.

For this reason Jesus reproaches them for not having listened to the message of John the Baptist, who came in observance of “the way of righteousness” (Mt 21:32), while paradoxically it was heeded and put into practice by those who were normally considered incapable of following the commandments of God — namely, tax collectors and prostitutes. These are the sons who by their deeds go to work in the vineyard and will enter the Kingdom first. They are those who repent (cf. Mt 21:29,32) and, knowing that they need God’s grace, open themselves to it and receive it. From this point of view — that is, by correlation between words and deeds — the parable comes very close to the concreteness of the Letter of James, especially where it insists on the contradiction between having faith but not works (cf. Jas 2:14–17).

At the conclusion of the parable, this expression — “the way of righteousness” — with which the account closes could refer either to the history of salvation, into which the Baptist too is inserted as forerunner of Jesus, or to righteous conduct, in keeping with the will of God, which marked the life of John. The concept of righteousness, as Matthew has already made clear in the Sermon on the Mount, takes on a specific meaning and, indeed, becomes almost a guiding concept. Matthew, in fact, will describe Jesus during the passion — (cf. Mt 27:19, the words of Pilate’s wife: “Have nothing to do with that righteous man”) — in the same way that the Baptist is described. Righteousness is, from the very beginning of the Gospel, the programme that Jesus has resolved to carry out, and which was expressed in his very first words, spoken precisely in the presence of John (cf. Mt 3:15: “Allow it now, for thus it is fitting for us to fulfill all righteousness”). For Matthew, then, it is above all important to do and practise righteousness (cf. Mt 6:1), as the son of the parable shows in putting his father’s will into practice.

From this parable the Christian learns that obedience to the word and the will of God may pass even through the disavowal of one’s own word and one’s own will. Faith, in fact, does not ask us never to err and never to sin, but to acknowledge our error and confess our sin. In that change of heart on the son’s part one glimpses his interior dialogue, together with his coming to terms with reality; there is the audacity of looking oneself in the face, of daring to see oneself in truth, with a view to acting responsibly. In this sense, far from being a sign of weakness, repentance is a sign of courage and strength. However rare and unpopular it may be, even within the Church, the gesture of one who acknowledges having erred, who admits to having taken positions that have proven not fully in keeping with the Gospel, and who changes his position in seeking to be more faithful to the Gospel, is a sign of human and spiritual greatness.

From the Hermitage, 26 September 2026

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PROSTITUTES GO AHEAD OF YOU IN THE KINGDOM OF GOD

"For John came to you, teaching you the way of righteousness, and you did not believe him."; instead, The publicans and prostitutes believed him.. Y, even after seeing this, "You did not repent nor believe him."

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AutoreMonaco Hermitage

Author
Hermit Monk

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In the chapter 21 of his Gospel, Mateo shows how the confrontation between Jesus and the Jewish authorities becomes increasingly tense and sharpens. In particular, after a discussion with the chief priests and elders of the people about his authority (Mt 21,23-27), Jesus speaks three parables, all focused on rejection, by the leaders of Israel, of the offer of salvation. Here is the passage from this XXVI Sunday in Ordinary Time:

«At that time, Jesus said to the chief priests and the elders of the people: What do you think? A man had two children. He approached the first one and said: 'Son, go to work in the vineyard today'. He answered her: 'I don't want to'. But later he repented and went. He approached the second and said the same thing.. He answered her: ‘Voy, señor’. But it wasn't. Which of the two fulfilled his father's will??’. They answered: 'The first'. Jesus told them: 'Truly I tell you, the tax collectors and the prostitutes are ahead of you in the kingdom of God.. Because John came to you teaching you the way of righteousness and you did not believe him.; instead, The publicans and prostitutes believed him.. Y, even after seeing this, "You did not repent nor believe him." (Mt 21,28-32).

This parable has had a particular textual transmission. Some important witnesses of the text, like the Codex Vaticanus (B), they reverse the order of the children, so it becomes the second son who responds to the father that he will not go, for later, however, head to the vineyard. This could be due to an ideological reason focused on a certain vision of salvation history.: the first son, who says he will go but then does not put his purpose into practice, would have already been identified by some Christian copyists with the Jews, while the pagans would be represented by the son who says he does not want to go, but then he goes to work. And since this logic was not, however, supported by the order in which the two protagonists are presented, the order would have been reversed. At the level of textual criticism, the order currently present in the critical text is preferable., although some doubt remains.

The parabolic story in San Mateo It is the second to be set in a vineyard (the first is found in Mt 19,30-20,16), and is part of the material of the first evangelist, so it has no parallels in Mark or Luke. Composed of only three verses, is framed by two questions that demand the attention of the interlocutor — v. 28: «What do you think?», which is a classic rabbinic formula; and the v. 31: "Which of the two?» — and is followed by an own explanation that takes up the question, left in suspense in the v. 27, on the authority of Jesus and the baptism of John.

Interpretations of our passage They have multiplied over time and vary depending on the author.. For some Church Fathers, the son who will not go to work in the vineyard is, no discussion, Israel. This reading has conveyed that theology of "substitution", Also called "supersessionism", according to which — as a consequence of the fact that all the Jews had rejected Jesus — there would no longer be any role for the people of the covenant in the history of salvation, role that the Church would then assume in its place. Such theology is not sustainable, Well, it would be enough to reread, to convince yourself of it, the chapters 9-11 from Paul's letter to the Romans.

But those to whom Jesus addresses in the text, that is to say, those who inquire about his authority, They are not "all" Israel, but only some of the leaders of that town, as specified shortly before the parable (cf. Mt 21,23), and as the evangelist will say shortly after (cf. Mt 21,45). It is to these that Jesus addresses, and only to these he will tell a little later: "the kingdom of God will be taken from you and given to a people who will produce its fruits" (Mt 21,43). This alternative interpretation may be based on literary reasons., but also in the fact that the identification of the son who refuses to go to the vineyard with Israel is not universal: for other parents, as, For example, Saint Hilary of Poitiers, These would be only a part of the Jewish people: the pharisees, or those who were influenced by them.

More than the problem of identification, that is to say, Who Jesus is Addressing, Looking closely, the parable seems to focus above all on another issue.: the one referring to the classical relationship, in biblical and Jewish tradition, between saying and doing. Fulfill the will of the Father, for Jesus, It's not just a matter of words, but rather facts, as can be seen from the Mountain Speech: «Not everyone who says to me 'Lord, Lord" will enter the kingdom of heaven, but he who does the will of my Father who is in heaven." (Mt 7,21). The religious leaders to whom the parable is addressed, who believe they can serve God by remaining faithful to the Torah, In fact they do not obey him.

That is why Jesus reproaches them not having heard the message of John the Baptist, come down the path of observance "of justice" (Mt 21,32), while, paradoxically, It was heard and put into practice by those normally considered incapable of following God's commandments., that is to say, publicans and prostitutes. These are the children who, with their deeds, will work in the vineyard and will enter the Kingdom first.. They are the ones who regret (cf. Mt 21,29.32) and, knowing that they need divine grace, they open to it and receive it. From this point of view, that is to say, by the correlation between words and deeds, The parable is very close to the concretion of the Letter of James, especially when he insists on the contradiction between having faith but not works (cf. St 2,14-17).

At the conclusion of the parable, This expression — “the path of justice” — with which the story closes could refer both to the history of salvation, in which the Baptist is also inserted as a precursor of Jesus, as to just conduct, according to the will of God, that characterized the life of Juan. The concept of justice, as Matthew has already implied in the Discourse on the Mount, acquires a specific meaning and, even more, becomes almost a guiding concept. Mateo, indeed, will describe Jesus during the passion — (cf. Mt 27,19, the words of Pilate's wife: «Don't have anything to do with that righteous man») — in the same way that the Baptist is defined. Justice is, from the very beginning of the Gospel, the program that Jesus has decided to fulfill, and that was expressed in his first words, pronounced precisely before Juan (cf. Mt 3,15: «Leave it now. It is appropriate that in this way we fulfill all justice."). For Matthew, therefore, It is important above all to comply and practice justice (cf. Mt 6,1), as the son in the parable shows by putting the father's will into practice.

From this parable The Christian learns that obedience to the word and will of God can even involve going back on one's own word and will.. faith, indeed, does not ask us not to make mistakes and not to sin, but to recognize the error and confess the sin. In the son's change of mind, his inner dialogue is glimpsed., along with awareness of reality; there is in it the audacity to look oneself in the face, to dare to see oneself truly, with a view to responsible acting. In this sense, far from being a sign of weakness, repentance is a sign of courage and strength. However rare and unpopular it may be, even in the Church, the gesture of someone who admits having made a mistake, of those who admit to having assumed positions that have been revealed to be little in accordance with the Gospel and change their positions seeking to be more faithful to the Gospel, It is a sign of human and spiritual greatness.

From the Hermitage, 26 September of 2026

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HTTPS://i0.wp.com/isoladipatmos.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/monaco-eremita-piccolo-.jpg?fit=150,150&ssl=1 150 150 Hermit Monk HTTPS://isoladipatmos.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/logo724c.png Hermit Monk2026-09-26 16:49:122026-09-27 22:16:20Le prostitute vi passano avanti nel regno di Dio ― Prostitutes are entering the kingdom of God before you ― Prostitutes go ahead of you in the kingdom of God

The symbolic language of the liturgy – The symbolic language of the liturgy

26 September 2026/in Actuality/by Father Simone

Italian, english, español

 

THE SYMBOLIC LANGUAGE OF THE LITURGY

Standing or kneeling during liturgical prayer is anything but indifferent. Every gesture somehow falls within that dimension of announcement and instruction which is an integral part of the liturgical action and therefore cannot be left to the temporary taste of each individual.

— Liturgical ministry —

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AuthorSimone Pifizzi

Author
Simone Pifizzi

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PDF print format article – article print format – article in printed format

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The liturgy is undoubtedly an announcement of salvation, but above all concrete communication of this salvation, which is expressed through gestures and attitudes. Consequently the liturgy does not only use words, but also of symbolic language; he uses signs that evoke the mystery and already give a foretaste of it, as many prayers after communion recall.

Jean François Millet, L'Angelus

When preparing a liturgical celebration we cannot forget this fundamental dimension at all, otherwise we risk overestimating the secondary and forgetting the essential; to have a beautiful, spectacular "ceremony"., which pleases the eye, but which leaves the heart empty; you risk saying a lot of words, but not to communicate anything at all.

FROM WALKING TOGETHER TO THE LITURGICAL PROCESSION

When it comes to procession, thoughts immediately turn to those public processions with images or statues of the Virgin Mary or the Saints. Processions that do not always constitute a clear and correct symbol of the Christian mystery, above all because heavy folkloric elements often intervene in them; and I say folkloric when things, after all, they're fine.

Every procession, even those that are done in church during Mass (entrance, presentation of gifts, Communion, etc.), has the aim of expressing the path of the Church, of the new people of God, towards the new temple and the new Jerusalem (cf.. AP 21,2), following in the footsteps of Christ.

The reference we can make, thinking about the procession, is at the Exodus: the event that saw the twelve tribes of Israel united on the same path. A journey guided by Moses and which brings together an entire people in its widest variety. A path that, according to the Bible, it has a fundamentally cultic purpose: God summons his people to worship him (cf.. Is 5,3). A journey that is undertaken in the name of union and which has a destination beyond the Red Sea, beyond the Jordan, beyond the waters of death. A path that is continually comforted by the real and mysterious presence of the Lord, who speaks to his people and gives them the law of life.

The procession is meant to remind us of this: we are Christians if we are on a journey; and we are not alone in making this journey, but we do it together with other brothers, supported and accompanied by the presence of the Risen One, as they summarize well, in sequence, the extraordinary images of the story of the disciples walking with Jesus towards Emmaus (cf.. LC 24,13-35).

STANDING AND KNEELING

Standing or kneeling during liturgical prayer he is anything but indifferent. Every gesture somehow falls within that dimension of announcement and instruction which is an integral part of the liturgical action and therefore cannot be left to the temporary taste of each individual. The attitudes to be assumed during the liturgical celebration are neither casual nor aimed at efficiency or external order. That is, they do not serve to change position to avoid boredom and tiredness, nor to make the ceremony more pleasing to the eye. I'm, rather, true symbolic actions. Among these, standing is undoubtedly one of the most important and significant.

Standing because children of God resurrected with Christ. The iconography of the catacombs always presents us with the figure of the standing person praying. Furthermore, it is symptomatic that the priest at the altar, since the beginning, say all presidential prayers standing. It is then very significant that in the ancient Church, according to many authoritative testimonies, it was even forbidden to kneel on Sunday and during the fifty days of Easter.

Standing it is therefore the normal attitude of the Christian who, even if a sinner, he is aware of his dignity as a child of God, received from that Jesus who died and rose again for the salvation of all.

In liturgical prayer the Church wants to make this announcement. In private, then, everyone can take the attitude they want. The conciliar reform therefore did not "secularize" the liturgy, but he gave it back its symbolic charge and also its function as an announcement to the world.

Standing waiting for the Lord to come. Standing in liturgical prayer also has a further meaning, always linked to the announcement of the Paschal mystery. That is, it is the eschatological announcement, of Christian life as the expectation of the final coming of Christ. Jesus himself invites his disciples to be like those servants who stand, with the belt around his hips and the lamps lit, they await their master when he returns from the wedding to open the door immediately as soon as he arrives and knocks (cf.. LC 12,35).

With this awareness it is beautiful and moving to pray standing. How beautiful and moving it is to walk together and on our feet to welcome the Body of Christ, true manna and bread come down from heaven, to support our journey towards eternity, towards those new heavens and that new earth. There are those who with Christ have conquered sin, standing, they sing the song of Moses and the song of the Lamb eternally before God (cf.. AP 15,2-3).

On your knees yes, but to get up again. Kneeling is also a significant attitude, which however finds its origin and space above all in private prayer. In fact, it expresses awareness of one's poverty, of one's sin. For this reason the attitude of kneeling entered the liturgy very slowly and with a certain parsimony, hand in hand with the spread of penitential rites, linked above all to the celebration of public penance. Liturgical attitudes that give space to kneeling are rare; moments that appropriately express the humble adoration and supplication of a whole people who feel crushed not so much by their own sin but rather by the infinite love of God. The General Instruction of the Roman Missal provides:

«They then kneel at the consecration, unless the state of health prevents it, the narrowness of the place, or the large number of those present, or other reasonable grounds. Those who do not kneel at the consecration, make a deep bow while the priest genuflects after the consecration" (n. 43).

In fact, one kneels not before the memory of a past event, but before the death and resurrection of the Lord who in that moment becomes truly present on the altar: and it is precisely because that death is already victorious, it's already Easter, that the knee bent before it is never the last word. But precisely thanks to this great love, man can and must get up to walk quickly towards that nuptial encounter which will make us fully participants in that divine life that is already within us and gives us the honor of standing before God as children.. Precisely for this reason in front of the tabernacle, in front of the maximum sign of that love that paid for our dignity, in private prayer of adoration, the normal attitude that comes naturally to us is to prostrate ourselves on our knees.

SIT TO LISTEN

Before the liturgical reform of the Second Vatican Council, sitting in Church was a simple functional attitude for the assembly; for the various ministers, sometimes, it was even regulated by meticulous choreographic details: body erect, hands on knees, feet together, hat on his head, various bows… Today, thanks to the reform of the Council which brought the liturgy back to its original sobriety, even sitting has returned to having a predominant symbolic function. In fact, nothing in the liturgy must be simply functional or worse, choreographic and ceremonial. For this reason it is important to know the meaning of these gestures in order to accept them and carry them out with the joy and enthusiasm of those who are aware of becoming in some way, with his person, sacramental instrument of announcement for the world.

Sign of listening. Within a liturgical celebration, sitting takes on precise meanings, out of any ambiguity and for this reason this attitude is not left to the individual taste of the moment. First of all, sitting is a sign of confidential interior listening, respectful and meditative. A listening experience that therefore matures deep feelings and courageous decisions. It is certainly no coincidence that even in human relationships when one wants to truly give space to listening to the other, we sit opposite each other. The norms of the Roman Missal remind us: «The prayer is over (collection) the reader goes to the ambo and proclaims the reading; everyone listens to it sitting down" (PNMR, 89). The rule is clear: it doesn't say that everyone reads for themselves. Because of this, while recognizing the positive services rendered by the "Mass leaflets", it is always legitimate and necessary to ask ourselves whether the price being paid is not too high. If in fact everyone or almost everyone reads on their own, the symbolic attitude that lies at the origin of sitting is nullified!

A Word that is addressed to a united people. But this attitude of listening described above is so important? It would not be enough for everyone to read the Word carefully on their own and try to put it into practice? A big temptation of which we are victims is that of being extremely insensitive to the liturgical dimension and of evaluating things only from an individual and moral efficiency perspective.. In doing so, however, we forget that Sacred Scripture is not primarily a book of meditation, but a word that God addresses to his people, a Word that aims above all to make the Church: «The people of God are gathered first and foremost through the Word of the living God» (Priesthood, n. 4).

The attitude of those who are seated and attentive to what is proclaimed therefore reveals the primary function of the Word of God which is to establish a dialogue of love not so much with individuals, but rather with the entire people of God, with the entire assembly considered as a single entity, in which the whole Church is visibly represented and truly present.

Here then is the ultimate meaning of every gesture described here: walk, stand, kneel, sit are not a script to be performed nor an ornament that veils otherwise poor words. The body of the assembly, in its moving and its stopping, it does not simply describe the faith of the Church: he does it. For this reason, no liturgical gesture can be left to chance or to the taste of the moment - because it is precisely through those gestures, even before through words, that the announced salvation becomes concretely present among his people.

From the island of Patmos, 26 September 2026

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THE SYMBOLIC LANGUAGE OF THE LITURGY

Whether one stands or kneels, the posture assumed during liturgical prayer is anything but indifferent. Every gesture belongs, in some sense, to that dimension of proclamation and instruction which is integral to the liturgical action, and therefore it cannot be left to each person’s passing preference.

— Liturgical pastoral care —

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AuthorSimone Pifizzi

Author
Simone Pifizzi

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The liturgy is undoubtedly an announcement of salvation, but above all it is the concrete communication of that salvation, expressed through gestures and postures. The liturgy therefore does not rely on words alone, but also on symbolic language; it uses signs that evoke the mystery and already let us taste it in advance, as many post-communion prayers recall.

In preparing a liturgical celebration, this fundamental dimension can never be forgotten, or we risk overvaluing what is secondary and losing sight of what is essential — risk turning it into a beautiful, spectacular “ceremony” that pleases the eye but leaves the heart empty; risk saying a great many words while communicating nothing at all.

FROM WALKING TOGETHER TO THE LITURGICAL PROCESSION

When we speak of a procession, our thoughts turn at once to public processions carrying images or statues of the Virgin Mary or the Saints. Such processions do not always constitute a clear and correct symbol of the Christian mystery, not least because they are often burdened with heavy folkloric elements — and I say “folkloric” when, all things considered, matters have gone well.

Every procession, including those that take place inside the church during Mass (entrance, presentation of the gifts, communion, etc.), is meant to express the journey of the Church, the new People of God, toward the new temple and the new Jerusalem (cf. Rev 21:2), following in the footsteps of Christ.

The reference we can draw, thinking of the procession, is to the Exodus: the event that united the twelve tribes of Israel in a single journey. A journey led by Moses, gathering an entire people in all its breadth and variety. A journey which, according to the Bible, has a fundamentally cultic purpose: God summons his people so that they may worship him (cf. Ex 5:3). A journey accomplished in unity, with a destination beyond the Red Sea, beyond the Jordan, beyond the waters of death. A journey continually accompanied by the real and mysterious presence of the Lord, who speaks to his people and gives them the law of life.

The procession exists to remind us of this: we are Christians only if we are on the move; and this journey is not one we make alone, but together with our brothers and sisters, sustained and accompanied by the presence of the Risen One — as the extraordinary sequence of images in the story of the disciples walking with Jesus toward Emmaus so beautifully sums up (cf. Page 24:13-35).

STANDING AND KNEELING

Whether one stands or kneels, the posture assumed during liturgical prayer is anything but indifferent. Every gesture belongs, in some sense, to that dimension of proclamation and instruction which is integral to the liturgical action, and therefore it cannot be left to each person’s passing preference. The postures to be assumed during the liturgical celebration are neither arbitrary nor ordered toward mere efficiency or outward tidiness. They do not exist simply to change position out of boredom or fatigue, nor to make the ceremony more pleasing to the eye. They are, rather, true symbolic actions. Among these, standing is undoubtedly one of the most important and significant.

Standing, because we are children of God risen with Christ. The iconography of the catacombs always depicts the figure at prayer standing upright. It is likewise telling that, from the earliest times, the priest at the altar says all the presidential prayers standing. And it is deeply significant that, according to many authoritative witnesses, the early Church forbade kneeling altogether on Sundays and throughout the fifty days of Easter.

Standing, then, is the normal posture of the Christian who, sinner though he may be, is conscious of his dignity as a child of God, received from that same Jesus who died and rose again for the salvation of all. In liturgical prayer the Church wishes to make this proclamation. In private prayer, everyone is free to take whatever posture they wish. The conciliar reform, then, did not “secularize” the liturgy; rather, it restored to it its symbolic power and its function as proclamation to the world.

Standing, in expectation of the Lord who comes. Standing in liturgical prayer carries a further meaning as well, still tied to the proclamation of the paschal mystery: it is the eschatological announcement, Christian life as the expectation of Christ’s final coming. Jesus himself invites his disciples to be like those servants who, standing, with their belts fastened and their lamps lit, wait for their master to return from the wedding feast, ready to open the door the moment he arrives and knocks (cf. Page 12:35).

With this awareness, it is beautiful and moving to pray standing. Just as it is beautiful and moving to walk together, and standing, to receive the Body of Christ — true manna, bread come down from heaven, to sustain our journey toward eternity, toward those new heavens and that new earth. There, those who with Christ have conquered sin stand and sing forever before God the song of Moses and the song of the Lamb (cf. Rev 15:2-3).

Kneeling, yes — but in order to rise. Kneeling is likewise a significant posture, though it finds its origin and its place above all in private prayer. It expresses an awareness of one’s own poverty, one’s own sin. For this reason, kneeling entered the liturgy only very slowly and sparingly, in step with the spread of penitential rites, tied above all to the celebration of public penance. There are few liturgical moments that make room for kneeling — moments that fittingly express the humble adoration and supplication of a whole people who feel overwhelmed not so much by their own sin as by the infinite love of God. The General Instruction of the Roman Missal states:

“The faithful should kneel at the consecration, unless prevented by reasons of health, lack of space, the large number of people present, or some other good reason. Those who do not kneel ought to make a profound bow when the priest genuflects after the consecration” (no. 43).

We kneel, in fact, not before the memory of a past event, but before the death and resurrection of the Lord, who at that very moment becomes truly present on the altar: and it is precisely because that death is already victorious, is already Easter, that the knee bent before it is never the last word — so that the acclamation “We proclaim your Death, O Lord, and profess your Resurrection until you come again” might, implicitly, sound like standing before the Risen One, living and true. But it is precisely because of this immense love that man can and must rise again, to walk swiftly toward that nuptial encounter which will make us fully sharers in that divine life already within us, and which grants us the honor of standing before God as his children. It is for this same reason that before the tabernacle — before the supreme sign of that love which paid the price for our dignity — the posture that comes to us spontaneously in private adoration is to prostrate ourselves on our knees.

SITTING TO LISTEN

Before the liturgical reform of the Second Vatican Council, sitting in church was, for the assembly, largely a simple matter of practicality; for the various ministers, at times, it was even governed by meticulous choreographic detail: an upright body, hands on the knees, feet together, biretta on the head, various bows… Today, thanks to the Council’s reform, which restored to the liturgy its original sobriety, sitting too has recovered a predominantly symbolic function. Nothing in the liturgy, in fact, should be merely functional or, worse, choreographed and ceremonial. This is why it matters to understand the meaning of these gestures, so as to embrace and perform them with the joy and enthusiasm of one who knows that, through his own person, he becomes in some way a sacramental instrument of proclamation to the world.

A sign of listening. Within a liturgical celebration, sitting takes on precise meanings, free of any ambiguity, and for this reason the posture is not left to individual taste in the moment. First, sitting is a sign of confidential, interior, respectful and meditative listening — a listening that matures deep feelings and courageous decisions. It is surely no accident that, even in human relationships, when we truly wish to make room for listening to another, we sit down facing them.

The norms of the Roman Missal remind us: “When the prayer has ended, the reader goes to the ambo and proclaims the reading; all listen while seated” (GIRM, 89). The rule is clear: it does not say that everyone reads for themselves. For this reason, while acknowledging the real service rendered by the “Mass leaflet,” it remains right and necessary to ask whether the price we pay for it is not too high. For if everyone, or nearly everyone, reads on their own, the symbolic gesture at the root of sitting is emptied of its meaning.

A Word addressed to a people united. But is this attitude of listening really so important? Would it not be enough for each person to read the Word attentively on their own and strive to put it into practice? A great temptation to which we fall victim is that of being largely insensitive to the liturgical dimension, judging everything only in individual and moral-efficiency terms. In doing so, however, we forget that Sacred Scripture is not, first and foremost, a book for meditation, but a word that God addresses to his people — a Word whose primary aim is to build the Church: “The People of God is formed into one, in the first place, through the word of the living God” (Priesthood, no. 4).

The posture of those who sit attentively to what is proclaimed thus reveals the primary function of the Word of God: to establish a dialogue of love not so much with individuals as with the whole People of God — with the entire assembly considered as a single subject, in which the whole Church is visibly represented and truly present.

Here, then, is the ultimate meaning of every gesture described above: walking, standing, kneeling, sitting are not a script to be performed, nor an ornament veiling words that would otherwise be poor. The body of the assembly, in its moving and in its stillness, does not merely describe the Church’s faith: it enacts it. This is why no liturgical gesture can be left to chance or to the whim of the moment — because it is precisely through these gestures, even before words, that the salvation proclaimed becomes concretely present in the midst of God’s people.

From The Island of Patmos, 26 September 2026

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THE SYMBOLIC LANGUAGE OF THE LITURGY

Standing or kneeling during liturgical prayer is not at all indifferent. Each gesture forms part, in some way, of that dimension of announcement and instruction that is an integral part of the liturgical action, and therefore it cannot be left to the momentary pleasure of each one.

— Liturgical Pastoral —

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AuthorSimone Pifizzi

Author
Simone Pifizzi

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The liturgy is undoubtedly an announcement of salvation, but above all concrete communication of that salvation, which is also expressed through gestures and attitudes. That is why the liturgy does not use only words, but also of symbolic language: uses signs that evoke mystery and that, somehow, They let us taste it beforehand, as many prayers after communion remember.

When preparing a liturgical celebration this fundamental dimension cannot be forgotten at all; Otherwise there is a risk of overvaluing the secondary and forgetting the essential.: to make a spectacular “ceremony”, that satisfies the eye but leaves the heart empty; There is a risk of saying many words without communicating anything at all..

FROM WALKING TOGETHER TO THE LITURGICAL PROCESSION

When talking about procession, The thought immediately runs to those public processions with images or statues of the Virgin Mary or the Saints. Processions that, in fact, they do not always constitute a clear and correct symbol of the Christian mystery, especially because heavy elements of folklore often intervene in them; and I say folkloric when things are going well.

All procession, including those done in church during Mass (Prohibited, presentation of gifts, communion, etc.), Its purpose is to express the path of the Church, of the new people of God, towards the new temple and the new Jerusalem (cf. AP 21,2), following in the footsteps of Christ.

The reference we can make, thinking about the procession, It's the Exodus: event that united the twelve tribes of Israel on the same path. A path guided by Moses that brings together an entire people in its widest variety. A path that, according to the bible, It has a fundamentally cultic purpose: God summons his people to worship him (cf. Ex 5,3). A path that is carried out under the sign of union and that has a goal beyond the Red Sea, beyond the Jordan, beyond the waters of death. A path continually comforted by the real and mysterious presence of the Lord, who speaks to his people and gives them the law of life.

The procession is intended to remind us of this: We are Christians if we are on the way; and we do not travel this path alone, but with other brothers, sustained and accompanied by the presence of the Risen One, as a summary, in its sequence, the extraordinary images of the story of the disciples who walk with Jesus towards Emmaus (cf. LC 24,13-35).

STANDING AND KNEELING

Standing or kneeling during liturgical prayer is not at all indifferent. Each gesture forms part, in some way, of that dimension of announcement and instruction that is an integral part of the liturgical action, and therefore it cannot be left to the momentary pleasure of each one. The attitudes that must be assumed during the liturgical celebration are not casual nor are they ordered to efficiency or external order.. They are not used to change posture to avoid boredom or fatigue, nor to make the ceremony more pleasing to the eye. Son, rather, true symbolic actions. Among them, standing is undoubtedly one of the most important and significant.

Standing because we are children of God resurrected with Christ. The iconography of the catacombs always presents the figure of the praying man standing. Besides, It is significant that the priest, at the altar, say from the beginning all the presidential prayers standing. And it is very significant that in the ancient Church, according to numerous authorized testimonies, It was even forbidden to kneel on Sunday and during the fifty days of Easter.

Stand is, therefore, the normal attitude of the Christian who, even though I am a sinner, He is aware of his dignity as a child of God, received from that Jesus who died and rose again for the salvation of all.

In liturgical prayer The Church wants to make this announcement. In private, instead, everyone can assume the attitude they prefer. The conciliar reform, therefore, has not “secularized” the liturgy, but has given it back its symbolic load and also its function of announcement to the world.

standing, waiting for the Lord to come. Standing in liturgical prayer also has a further meaning, always linked to the announcement of the paschal mystery. It is about, indeed, of the eschatological announcement, of the Christian life as awaiting the final coming of Christ. Jesus himself invites his disciples to be like those servants who, standing, with the waist cinched and the lamps lit, They wait for their lord when he returns from the wedding, to open it as soon as it arrives and knocks (cf. LC 12,35).

With this awareness it is beautiful and moving to pray standing. How beautiful and moving it is to walk together and, standing, receive the Body of Christ, true manna and bread from heaven, to support our path to eternity, Towards those new skies and that new earth. Over there, those who have overcome sin with Christ sing standing, eternally, before God, the song of Moses and the song of the Lamb (cf. AP 15,2-3).

On your knees yes, but to get up. Being on your knees is also a significant attitude, which, however, finds its origin and its place above all in private prayer. Expresses awareness of one's own poverty, of one's own sin. That is why the attitude of kneeling entered the liturgy very slowly and with a certain parsimony., at the same rate that penitential rites spread, linked above all to the celebration of public penance. There are few liturgical moments that give space to be on our knees.; moments that opportunely express the humble adoration and supplication of an entire people who feel overwhelmed, not so much because of his own sin, how much for the infinite love of God. The General Ordination of the Roman Missal provides:

«Let them kneel in the consecration, unless health prevents it, the narrowness of the place, the large number of faithful present or other reasonable causes. Those who do not kneel for the consecration bow deeply while the priest genuflects after the consecration. (n. 43).

We kneel, indeed, not before the memory of a past event, but before the death and resurrection of the Lord, that at that very moment becomes truly present on the altar: and it is precisely because that death is already victorious, It's already Easter, so the knee bowed before her is never the last word - so the acclamation "We announce your death, we proclaim your resurrection. ¡Ven, Lord Jesus!» could implicitly sound like standing before the Risen One, alive and true. But it is precisely thanks to this great love that man can and must rise to walk without delay towards that nuptial encounter that will make us full participants in that divine life that is already in us., and that grants us the honor of standing before God as children. For that very reason, before the tabernacle, in front of the supreme sign of that love that paid for our dignity, In the private prayer of adoration the attitude that springs spontaneously to us is that of prostrating ourselves on our knees..

SITTING TO LISTEN

Before the liturgical reform of the Second Vatican Council, sitting in church was, for the assembly, a practically functional attitude; for the different ministers, instead, sometimes it was even regulated by minute choreographic details: upright body, hands on knees, feet together, biretta on the head, various inclinations… Today, thanks to the reform of the Council that has returned to the liturgy its original sobriety, sitting has also recovered a predominantly symbolic function. Nothing in the liturgy, indeed, must be simply functional or, even worse, choreographic and ceremonial. That is why it is important to know the meaning of these gestures to accept them and perform them with the joy and enthusiasm of someone who is aware of becoming, somehow, with his own person, into a sacramental instrument of announcement to the world.

Listening sign. Within a liturgical celebration, sitting takes on precise meanings, free of all ambiguity, and that is why this attitude is not left to the individual pleasure of the moment. First of all, sitting is a sign of confidential listening, interior, respectful and meditative; a listen that, for it, makes deep feelings and brave decisions mature. It is no coincidence that also in human relationships, when you really want to give space to listen to the other, let's sit in front of each other.

The norms of the Roman Missal remind us: «Finishing the collect prayer, the reader addresses the ambo and proclaims the reading; "Everyone listens to it sitting down." (OGMR, 89). The rule is clear: It doesn't say that everyone reads on their own.. That's why, recognizing the positive service provided by the “little sheets of Mass”, It is still legal and necessary to ask ourselves if the price paid for this is not too high. Yes indeed all, or almost all, they read on their own, the symbolic gesture that is at the origin of sitting is emptied of meaning.

A Word addressed to a united people. But is this attitude of listening that we have just described really so important?? Wouldn't it be enough for each one to read the Word on his own?, carefully, and will strive to put it into practice? A great temptation of which we are victims is to be extremely insensitive to the liturgical dimension and value things only in terms of individuality and moral efficacy.. By doing so, however, we forget that the Holy Scripture is not, first of all, a meditation book, but a word that God addresses to his people; a Word whose main purpose is to make the Church: “The people of God are gathered first and foremost through the word of the living God.” (Priesthood, n. 4).

The attitude of those who remain sitting and attentive to what is proclaimed and revealed, therefore, the primary function of the Word of God: establish a dialogue of love not so much with individuals as with all the people of God, with the entire assembly considered as a single subject, in which the entire Church is visibly represented and truly present.

Behold, so, the ultimate meaning of each gesture described here: walk, stand, kneel, sit are not a script that is recited nor an ornament that disguises otherwise poor words. The body of the assembly, in its moving and in its stopping, does not simply describe the faith of the Church: to achieve. That is why no liturgical gesture can be left to chance or to the pleasure of the moment — because it is precisely through those gestures, even before through words, how the announced salvation becomes concretely present in the midst of his people.

Desde The Island of Patmos, 26 September of 2026

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HTTPS://i0.wp.com/isoladipatmos.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Padre-Simone-isola-piccola.jpeg?fit=150,150&ssl=1 150 150 Father Simone HTTPS://isoladipatmos.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/logo724c.png Father Simone2026-09-26 14:34:432026-09-28 10:42:03The symbolic language of the liturgy – The symbolic language of the liturgy

Can a priest ordain another priest? From the bulls of the fifteenth century to today's lies of Alessandro Minutella, self-proclaimed successor of Benedict XVI

15 September 2026/in Theology and canon law/by father ariel

CAN A PRIEST ORDAIN ANOTHER PRIEST? FROM THE BUBBLES OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY TO THE PRESENT BALE OF ALESSANDRO MINUTELLA, SELF-PROCLAIMED SUCCESSOR OF BENEDICT XVI

And here one wonders why Erasmus of Rotterdam, to write his own In praise of madness, had to entrust the word to Madness, letting her speak firsthand about herself: at least her, in literary fiction, he knew he was crazy. Minutella no: he hides the self-assurance of two doctorates so badly spent even from himself.

— Theology and canon law —

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Author

Author
Ariel S. Levi di Gualdo

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There is a joker who introduces himself to the world reminding in a hammering way that he is "twice theologian", «twice doctor of theology», which is quite unusual. Precisely those priests who have achieved the highest academic degrees are aware more than anyone else - and they are aware precisely because of a real and effective high theological education - that for a priest there is no rank or title that is superior to the ministerial priesthood.

For those who didn't understand the joker in question is Alessandro Minutella, incurred excommunication automatic per schism and heresy, afterwards dismissed from the clerical state - which already says a lot about what the two doctorates have taught him to do - who today is suggesting that a presbyter could ordain other presbyters without being a bishop, that is, custodian of the fullness of the apostolic priesthood, invoking in this sense unspecified "states of necessity", as the current one would be a false Church and the reigning one a false Supreme Pontiff. Said in short words: has gathered a group of self-styled seminarians into his exotic clique and is now posing the problem of how to ordain them priests in this “state of emergency”.

Let's leave aside the suggestions of the joker, because the question it raises, prey in se, she's not stupid at all, how its extender might appear instead. Indeed, it is one of the most delicate issues in all sacramental dogmatics, which has always been the most complex and delicate sphere of the entire theological-dogmatic system. The problem is that to the right question, as we'll see, gave the wrong answer, so much so that his two doctorates were not enough for him to realize it.

So let's start with the serious question: a presbyter can ordain another without being a bishop? It would be convenient to respond with a firm no, replying that only the bishop orders, of always, discussion closed. Instead, the history of the Church is much more complex than the sorcerer's apprentices who push surreal emotional devotions can imagine.. In the late Middle Ages three papal bulls actually authorized abbots — simple presbyters, not bishops — to ordain their own monks. In 1489 Innocent VIII, with bubble It explains your devotion, granted the Cistercian abbot of Cîteaux and the four abbots of the daughter houses the power to ordain subdeacons and deacons, without mention of presbyters: However, some scholars suspect that the printed copy of this bull is not faithful to the original, since a direct inspection of the Vatican Archives would not have found even mention of the diaconate in the authentic text preserved. A century earlier, In the 1400, Boniface IX had granted the same privilege to the abbot of the English monastery of Saint Osyth, nell’Essex, with bubble Sacred religion, unless revoked on 6 February 1403 with bubble Apostolic See, under the furious protests of the local bishop, that he had reason to complain about that interference in his territory, and he was right to do so. In 1427 Martin V granted a similar privilege to the Cistercian abbot of Altzella, in Saxony, with bubble Leading to you.

These privileges did not arise from the work of some lightning striker who declared the reigning pontiff invalid as well as the Sacraments and Holy Masses celebrated by priests from all over the world in communion with him, but from very concrete practical and political reasons. The great Cistercian abbeys such as Cîteaux enjoyed “exemption” by virtue of which they depended directly on the Apostolic See, not by the local bishop. Sending monks to the diocesan bishop for ordination - or worse, having him come to the abbey - created jurisdictional tensions that the Pontiffs preferred to avoid, also because the abbot would have been forced to give up his place to the bishop with all the liturgical rights of precedence. Then there was a simpler and less complex factor than one might believe: in the fifteenth century, traveling meant exposing oneself to wars, epidemic, bad roads, as well as often organized and violent banditry, capable of killing even for a meager loot. Allowing the abbot to ordain his monks at home guaranteed the continuity of liturgical life without risking human lives on the streets. And in the specific case of Boniface IX, there is a political fact that explains his generosity: he reigned at the height of the Western Schism, started in 1378 with the double contested election that pitted Urban VI against Clement VII and was destined to last until 1417, with multiple rival Popes in office at the same time. Granting extraordinary privileges to faithful monasteries was also a way to ensure their loyalty in a moment of maximum fragility of papal authority. Facts, not legends, with their reasons: Church history does indeed record moments in which a non-bishop has validly ordained priests, by written privilege and under specific circumstances; it was not a hastily closed anomaly: the Cistercian privilege was still in use at least until the early seventeenth century.

But here's the thing about the joker they did not teach to see his two doctorates: those were never bottom-up initiatives, but positive concessions from the Roman Pontiff: explicit legal acts, writings, dated and motivated towards named subjects and in named circumstances, not presumptive or inferred faculties by custom. The Abbot of Cîteaux did not wake up one morning convinced that he was in a "state of necessity" and did not take up the pontifical on his own initiative and begin to ordain his monks as presbyters: he waited for Rome to give him permission in writing. It's a difference that seems small but it's everything: the exception, when it existed, it has always descended from top to bottom, never rises from bottom to top through self-attribution of the individual. A presbyter who sinks into the complex of the new Athanasius of Alexandria, who then decides that he is in a state of need and acts motu proprio consequently it is not claiming a historically documented exception: he's doing something else, that those bubbles — with their precise reasons, today finally made explicit - they do not justify in any way.

It remains open today among theologians the most technical question on this point: on a doctrinal level, the Second Vatican Council definitively closed the question of whether the episcopate was a sacramental degree in itself or a simple jurisdictional dignity added to the priesthood. The magisterium establishes that episcopal consecration confers "the fullness of the Sacrament of Orders" (The light n. 21) and that this fullness - not a simple addition of governing power - is what enables one to transmit the Order to others. The current Code of Canon Law translates it into a positive norm: «The minister of sacred ordination is the consecrated Bishop» (can. 1012). But she remains alive, between canonists and theologians, the theory of bound power: according to this reading, the power to ordain would already be radically present in the priest from his presbyteral ordination, ma “legato”, that is, rendered inexercisable until dissolution occurs by pontifical will, exactly as already happens for Confirmation, which current law ordinarily reserves to the bishop but which any presbyter can validly administer in circumstances determined by the law itself or by delegation from the bishop. On this specific point I have changed emphasis compared to the study I did on the diaconate fifteen years ago (cf.. who), where I left the question of validity more open and disturbing. Since then I have developed the belief that I still hold today: the theory of power tied up explains better both the sacramental validity and the gravity of its undue self-attribution. On this specific point, so, there is no dogmatic definition that fundamentally excludes any future pontifical disposition: current certainty, full and non-controversial, it concerns only the impossibility that a presbyter can attribute that power to himself, not the absolute impossibility that the Supreme Pontiff, in the future, may still untie it for others.

All the functions of the bishop they can also be exercised by a presbyter not endowed with the fullness of the apostolic priesthood: how many apostolic vicars govern ecclesiastical districts in mission lands with all the prerogatives of a diocesan ordinary? Likewise the various abbots of the historic territorial abbeys with attached parishes dependent on their jurisdiction, they too do not have the episcopal character. Even the writer is not a bishop, but making use of the foreseen canonical faculties granted to a presbyter he administered the Sacrament of Confirmation to a dying man who, in addition to receiving the Sacrament of the Anointing of the Sick, he expressed the desire to also be confirmed, exercising in that case an extraordinary faculty recognized by law very right. So if we think about it carefully, the only power that cannot currently be delegated is the sacred ordination of deacons and priests, reserved exclusively for the bishop. Even though it too was, in the past, delegated to those who did not have the episcopal character.

Who claims that the tripartite division into bishops, presbyters and deacons is a subsequent historical development and not something immediately evident in the Gospels, he's not talking nonsense, but reading the texts for what they say, even because, when we start from the Sacrament of Orders as unique but divided into three degrees, another problem arises, also the subject of legitimate theological dispute: the priesthood, established by Christ in a single solution and certainly not in three degrees, it is of divine institution, while the diaconate, created by the apostles, it is of apostolic institution. Thus the single priesthood divided into three degrees finds itself encompassing both the degree of divine institution and the degree of apostolic institution: What, this, which could be debated a lot. Referring to my study already referred to above (cf.. who), Personally, I consider the diaconal ministry to be a vocation in itself and very distinct from the priestly ministry. Especially today that the permanent diaconate, fell into disuse for a millennium during which it became just a stopover for the presbyterate, it was re-established by the Second Vatican Council.

At this point a savvy reader it could be objected that the Church is in any case moving along the edge of a belated invention. And here he is honest, before answering, voice the objection with profound intellectual honesty. Because it is a serious objection and whoever raises it has good arguments on their side. In the New Testament the terms episkopos (bishop, overseer) e the priests (senior, senior) they do not designate two distinct degrees, but the exact same figure: in the Acts of the Apostles, Paul summons the "elders" (elders, presbyteroi) of Ephesus and calls them, in the same speech, «overseers» (bishops, episcopoi) of the flock (cf.. At 20, 17.28); in the Letter to Titus the two words alternate seamlessly in the space of a few verses (cf.. Tt 1, 5.7); in the Letter to the Philippians, Paul greets "the bishops and deacons" of the community, the plural, sign that in Philippi, as elsewhere, there was not yet a single bishop at the head of the city (cf.. Fil 1, 1). But above all it is Pietro himself, designated by Christ himself as head of the College of the Apostles, to define oneself «sympresbyteros» (co-senior) - literally “compresbitero”, old like them (cf.. 1 PT 5, 1) — despite being, for unanimous Catholic doctrine, the first among the Apostles. The figure of the monarchic bishop, unique and distinct from the college of presbyters, it consolidated at the beginning of the 2nd century and found its first great witness in Ignatius of Antioch, who in his letters insists with an almost obsessive frequency on the obedience due to the bishop, just why, at the time, that authority still needed to be consolidated, it was not a peaceful fact for generations (cf.. Ignatius of Antioch, in part. Ad Smyrnaeos, Ad Magnesios).

How does Catholic theology respond to this, without pretending that the question is not legitimate? Not returning to the letter of the Gospels, but to a broader concept: that of the development of dogma under the assistance of the Holy Spirit. For Catholic doctrine, Christ did not leave his Apostles a hierarchical structure already defined in the smallest details; he entrusted them with a "germ" - the fullness of his mission - which is the Church, guided by the promised Spirit, understood and articulated over time, without betraying him. It is the same principle why the Church does not consider Revelation, ended with the death of the last Apostle, a static warehouse. The magisterium teaches that Tradition of apostolic origin "progresses" in the Church under the assistance of the Holy Spirit, not adding new truths to those already revealed once and for all, but by increasing the Church's understanding of them, century after century (God's word n. 8). In this light, the historical birth of the monarchist bishop is not an arbitrary invention imposed from outside, but the organic maturation of what was already contained, in germ, in the original apostolic mandate. One may argue that this answer, however coherent, it still remains a notable interpretative effort, a forcing, precisely, if you look at the bare letter of the New Testament, and it is reasonable to think so. But here comes the point that it is of little benefit to the excellent bi-doctor: even granting all this, even fully admitting that the tripartite division is a subsequent historical development and not an immediate fact of the Gospels, his claim does not gain a single ounce of legitimacy. Because in neither of the two readings — nor the traditional one, who sees in the episcopate the fullness he has always wanted, nor the most critical one, who sees it as a late development — the power to grant an exception has ever been in the hands of the individual presbyter. In medieval reading, that power however remained firmly in the hands of the Roman Pontiff, that he had to grant it in writing. In the most critical reading e “historicist”, that power arises from a community process, ecclesial, guided over the centuries, never from an individual self-proclamation. The most radical historical criticism of current doctrine, far from acting as an alibi for Minutella, if anything, it is the argument that most forcefully denies it: it even takes away the excuse of being able to say that the Church hides its own history.

The problem, at the bottom of, it was never theological. A presbyter excommunicated for heresy and schism can accumulate as many doctorates as he wants: what he lacks is not sacred theology, in which he lacks on levels that range between comical and crass; what he lacks is authority: the one that he first severed the day he chose to break away from communion with the Church, which is undoubtedly in a moment of crisis without historical precedent, but which precisely for this reason offers us to overcome the most fearful of tests: the great test of faith. Unfortunately, Minutella, the very possibility of passing the test was precluded, but he is twice a doctor in a state of necessity with the obsessive-compulsive complex of Athanasius of Alexandria.

But then again, we're talking about a joker who considers himself in conscience the legitimate successor of the Supreme Pontiff Benedict XVI, therefore madness adds madness.

And here one wonders why Erasmus of Rotterdam, to write his own In praise of madness, had to entrust the word to Madness, letting her speak firsthand about herself: at least her, in literary fiction, he knew he was crazy. Minutella no: he hides the self-assurance of two doctorates so badly spent even from himself. E, like all fragile people afflicted by a poorly concealed inferiority complex, he needs to self-attribute the culture and charisma that he doesn't have by repeating in an obsessive-compulsive way «I am twice the theologian … I am a doctor of theology twice".

From the island of Patmos, 15 September 2026

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Emma Bonino and the death of a sad woman. Pity does not erase that truth of which it is the daughter, otherwise it would just be pietism

11 September 2026/in Actuality/by father ariel

EMMA BONINO AND THE DEATH OF A SAD WOMAN. PITY DOES NOT ERASE THAT TRUTH OF WHICH IT IS THE DAUGHTER, OTHERWISE IT WOULD JUST BE PIETISM

In Heaven there is an army of angelic creatures who owe the conquest of their eternal bliss to that baptism of blood in martyrdom called abortion.

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Ariel S. Levi di Gualdo

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Before writing this article I questioned myself as a Christian, priest and theologian on the relationship between piety and truth.

(Emma Bonino, ANSA photo)

A Senator of the Republic, who in his youth was very close to Marco Pannella and Emma Bonino, the first one described me as a sunny and cheerful man, beyond his provocative public performances in front of the cameras, that they had a purposeful reason, sometimes studied or even scientific: «Marco Pannella» he told me «had a laughing look and eyes». A completely different description regarding the second: «Emma Bonino was a sad woman, His eyes were melancholy even when he laughed.".

Inveterate smoker, she never stopped smoking even after being diagnosed with lung cancer which affected her for a decade, finally died after a long respiratory illness. On its coherence, or perhaps on the lack thereof, I think it's legitimate to question myself: why did the one who fought for years to get a law on euthanasia approved not call Marco Cappato, he has personally assisted others several times in the process of assisted suicide? On abortion, instead, we don't ask ourselves the same question: it was herself, in the seventies, to set an example first hand, immortalized with a bicycle pump in her hand used to perform clandestine abortions. Two battles, two different consistencies: its one, abortion, he chose the direct gesture, on the other, l'euthanasia, reached the moment of its end, he preferred the opposite path to the one he had fought for so that it became law for everyone.

We all remember this sad woman who never missed an opportunity to define abortion as a "great social achievement", defining law n. 194 the 1978, which regulates the legalized killing of a human being, «an example of civilization». And here the mind can only rush to a completely different figure: Daniele Capezzone, currently director of the Roman newspaper Time, in the past parliamentarian and secretary of the Italian Radicals since 2001 al 2007. Daniele Capezzone, who is a secularist and an all-round liberal, several times, debating in various television programs on Mediaset networks, defined abortion as "a tragedy" and law no. 194 "a necessity", stating that he felt "discomfort in hearing it defined as a 'great achievement'". Here is the difference that I would like to underline: with whom - despite disagreeing with me in the doctrine that considers life sacred from the moment of conception -, recognizes abortion as having the moral weight of a tragedy that must be contained, dialogue remains possible, even fruitful. With those who made it a source of pride and a trophy to show off as a "great achievement", the dialogue stops before it even begins: not for my closure, but because between those who mourn an evil that they consider necessary and those who instead celebrate it as a good there is no common ground on which to meet, especially when human life is at stake.

I who believe in the immortality of the soul and eternal life, I don't know what happened to Emma Bonino, when I closed my eyes to this life he reopened them before the immediate judgment of God. One thing is certain in my faith: in Heaven there is an army of angelic creatures who owe the conquest of their eternal bliss to that baptism of blood in martyrdom called abortion. And I am sure that these Angels, the first to be able to fully understand the weight of a life spent against their very existence, they will be able to intercede with God with a mercy greater than any human judgement, because He alone has the last word on this sad woman.

From the island of Patmos, 11 September 2026

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A memory of Adriano Bernardini, Apostolic Nuncio

10 September 2026/in Actuality/by Father Ivano

A MEMORY OF ADRIANO BERNARDINI, APOSTOLIC NUNCIO

Its last locations were Buenos Aires, where he was Apostolic Nuncio to Argentina for nine years, and Rome, where he was called to the Italian nunciature by Benedict XVI, meeting a year later with Cardinal Jorge Mario Bergoglio elected Supreme Pontiff.

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Ivano Liguori, Ofm. Cap.

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September 11th last year the Apostolic Nuncio H.E. died at the Villa del Rosario nursing home. Mons. Adriano Bernardini, assisted by Father Ariel S. Levi di Gualdo, his private collaborator for years, by his brother Piero and sister-in-law Anna.

The Supreme Pontiff Francis and H.E. Mons. Adriano Bernardini, Apostolic Nuncio to Italy (2011-2017), Vatican CITY, 2016.

The funeral obsequies they took place at his will in Montefeltro, at the church of Santa Maria del Mutino, in the Monastero area, where he is buried. During the funeral funeral Father Ariel gave a homily that deserves to be repeated today.

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The Fathers of the Island of Patmos they remember him affectionately in prayer, honored for the esteem and friendship he has always shown us.

Cagliari, 11 September 2026

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A dutiful report to the readers with due transparency and profound gratitude

9 September 2026/in Actuality/by Jorge Facio Lynx

A DUE REPORT TO THE READERS WITH DUE TRANSPARENCY AND DEEP GRATITUDE

At the moment, at the checkout, we have 3.189,97 to your PayPal account e 6.933,24 on the current account of Banca BPM for a total of 10.123,21 Euro. Subtracting from the amount what we already had, we collected the 8.000 euros needed for the expenses of 2027, to be precise 7.988.

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Dear Readers,

the 26 August Father Ariel S. Levi di Gualdo, editor in chief of this magazine of ours, launched an appeal informing that by 7 September (then extended to 10 as later specified in the note) we had to pay the annual management costs for the site that hosts the Island of Patmos (cf.. who). The annual amount needed for living expenses: from the server dedicated to the various services and subscriptions the amount is equal to 8.000 Euro. Between the current account at Banca BPM and the PayPal account we had cash 2.135 euros in total.

 

The editorial Fathers they feared they had reached the end of this happy experience that had lasted 12 years and starting from October 2014 it has never experienced any declines but only a progressive increase in visitors.

We are happy to inform you that we currently have 3.189,97 to your PayPal account e 6.933,24 on the current account of Banca BPM for a total of 10.123,21 Euro. By subtracting what we already had we collected the 8.000 euros needed for the expenses of 2027, to be precise 7.988.

The Editors thank you and they tell you that Father Ariel has made the commitment to respond to every single benefactor with an email, which he will do between the end of this week and the beginning of next week.

To avoid taking the risk again which thanks to you has been overcome, we offer our loyal readers a monthly donation, even a small one, with the convenient and secure PayPal system, so that we can collect the necessary amount during the year for the subsequent payment deadlines in September 2027. Some do, but at the moment there are very few. Just click on the image below:

To all of you our renewed one arrives, deep and sincere thanks.

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The website of this magazine and the editions take name from the Aegean island in which the Blessed Apostle John wrote the Book of the Apocalypse, isola also known as «the place of the last revelation»

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